Taiwan Security Monitor

Taiwan Affairs Office: The DPP should abandon its โ€œTaiwan independence party platformโ€ and stop โ€œTaiwan independenceโ€ separatist activities

At the State Council Taiwan Affairs Office press conference on May 27, a reporter asked: Regarding Lai Ching-teโ€™s recent Facebook post stating that โ€œdefending the status quo of the Republic of China does not involve a Taiwan independence issue,โ€ public opinion on the island has called for the DPP, if that is the case, to delete its โ€œTaiwan independence party platformโ€ as soon as possible. What is your comment on this?

State Council Taiwan Affairs Office spokesperson Chen Binhua, in response to the question, stated that there is only one China in the world, and Taiwan is part of China. This is an unquestionable historical and legal fact, and it is also the status quo in the Taiwan Strait. As everyone knows, the DPP is a โ€œTaiwan independenceโ€ party that has long advocated splitting Taiwan away from China. In October 1991, the DPP, by amending its party platform, wrote into its party charter the establishment of a โ€œsovereign and independent Republic of Taiwan and the formulation of a new constitution.โ€ This is what everyone calls the โ€œTaiwan independence party platform.โ€ Although the many โ€œresolutionsโ€ the party later passed made some disguises in their wording, it has never abandoned its position of splitting national territory. During every period in which the DPP has held power in Taiwan, it has always schemed to carry out โ€œTaiwan independenceโ€ separatism, attempting to change the Taiwan Strait status quo in which both sides of the Strait belong to one China. Lai Ching-teโ€™s โ€œTaiwan independenceโ€ position is stubborn and unrepentant, and his provocative actions to seek โ€œindependenceโ€ have continued. Now he is again changing his rhetoric in an attempt to mislead public opinion and deceive the people. He is a complete โ€œTaiwan independence fraudster.โ€

Chen Binhua said that โ€œTaiwan independenceโ€ and peace in the Taiwan Strait are as incompatible as fire and water. It is the greatest harm to Taiwanโ€™s development and a dead end that cannot be walked. The DPP should recognize the situation, follow public opinion, immediately abandon its โ€œTaiwan independence party platform,โ€ stop โ€œTaiwan independenceโ€ separatist activities, acknowledge that both sides of the Strait belong to one China, and stop obstructing and undermining cross-Strait relations.

Taiwan Affairs Office: Taiwan is part of China; there is fundamentally no so-called โ€œsovereigntyโ€

At the State Council Taiwan Affairs Office press conference on May 27, a reporter asked: In his speech marking the second anniversary of his inauguration, Lai Ching-te said that direct presidential elections were held 30 years ago, and that this not only represented โ€œsovereignty residing in the people,โ€ but also demonstrated that Taiwan is already a โ€œsovereign and independent country.โ€ What is your comment on this?

State Council Taiwan Affairs Office spokesperson Chen Binhua, in response to the question, stated that Lai Ching-te is fabricating lies and inventing legal grounds in a vain attempt to package the โ€œnew two-states theoryโ€ under the banner of โ€œelectionsโ€ and โ€œdemocracy.โ€ This is purely self-deception. Taiwan is part of China, has never been a country, and absolutely cannot become a country; there is fundamentally no so-called โ€œsovereignty.โ€

Chen Binhua said that no matter how many times lies are repeated, they cannot become true; the more Lai Ching-te says, the more it proves his guilty conscience. Taiwan is Chinaโ€™s Taiwan. No matter by what method elections are held in the Taiwan region, or who is elected, this cannot change Taiwanโ€™s status as part of China, cannot sever the historical and legal connection that both sides of the Strait belong to one China, and cannot break the iron rule that Taiwanโ€™s future can only be decided jointly by all Chinese people, including Taiwan compatriots.

Taiwan Affairs Office: The DPP authoritiesโ€™ unilateral destruction of the political foundation is the root cause of the suspension of dialogue and consultation between the two associations

At the State Council Taiwan Affairs Office press conference on May 27, a reporter asked: Regarding the suspension of the communication mechanism between the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits and Taiwanโ€™s Straits Exchange Foundation for 10 years, the Mainland Affairs Council said that โ€œthe reason for the suspension is that the mainland set unacceptable political preconditions, and it was the other side that decided to suspend it.โ€ What is your comment on this?

State Council Taiwan Affairs Office spokesperson Chen Binhua, in response to the question, stated that in 1992, the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits and Taiwanโ€™s Straits Exchange Foundation reached the โ€œ1992 Consensus,โ€ which embodies the one-China principle and clearly defined the nature of cross-Strait relations. It was precisely on this political foundation that the two associations began consultations and negotiations and signed a series of agreements, benefiting compatriots on both sides of the Strait.

Chen Binhua said that the DPP authorities stubbornly adhere to a โ€œTaiwan independenceโ€ separatist position, refuse to recognize the โ€œ1992 Consensus,โ€ and unilaterally destroy the political foundation for cross-Strait dialogue and consultation. This is the root cause of the suspension of dialogue and consultation between the two associations, and also the root source of tension and turbulence in the Taiwan Strait situation.

Taiwan Affairs Office: We look forward to compatriots on both sides of the Strait exploring the vast universe together

At the State Council Taiwan Affairs Office press conference on May 27, a reporter asked: On May 24, the Shenzhou-23 crewed spacecraft was successfully launched, and the first Hong Kong astronaut participated in a national crewed spaceflight mission, sparking heated discussion among people on both sides of the Strait. Some public opinion on the island looks forward to Taiwan compatriots, especially Taiwan youth, being able to participate together in the motherlandโ€™s space program in the future. What is your comment on this?

State Council Taiwan Affairs Office spokesperson Chen Binhua, in response to the question, stated that developing the space program and building a strong space power is the Chinese nationโ€™s unremittingly pursued space dream. The complete success of the Shenzhou-23 crewed spacecraft launch mission is the shared pride and glory of all sons and daughters of China. We warmly congratulate Dr. Lai Jiaying on becoming the first Hong Kong astronaut and the fourth Chinese female astronaut. Her journey into space, and her spirit of daring to challenge and never giving up, will inspire Hong Kong youth to love and devote themselves to the national space program, and to recognize that, with the support of the great motherland, everyone can shine with their own brilliance. The galaxy is vast, and we chase dreams into the firmament. We look forward to Taiwan compatriots exploring the vast universe together with mainland compatriots, and turning dreams into reality.

Taiwan Affairs Office: No matter how many weapons the DPP authorities buy, it is like a mantis trying to stop a chariot

At the State Council Taiwan Affairs Office press conference on May 27, a reporter asked: Recently, when asked whether he would speak with Lai Ching-te before making a decision on US arms sales to Taiwan, US President Trump said he would โ€œtalkโ€ with him. Lai Ching-te said that, if there is an opportunity for dialogue, he would emphasize that Taiwanโ€™s military purchases from the United States are a necessary means of maintaining Taiwanโ€™s security and maintaining peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait. What is your comment on this?

State Council Taiwan Affairs Office spokesperson Chen Binhua, in response to the question, stated that โ€œwe firmly oppose the United States conducting any form of official exchanges with Chinaโ€™s Taiwan region, and firmly oppose the United States selling weapons to Taiwan.โ€ He urged the US side to properly implement the important consensus reached at the China-US leadersโ€™ meeting, abide by the one-China principle and the three China-US joint communiquรฉs, handle the Taiwan issue with the utmost caution, stop sending wrong signals to โ€œTaiwan independenceโ€ separatist forces, and use concrete actions to maintain peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait and the stable development momentum of China-US relations.

Chen Binhua said that the DPP authorities are deliberately โ€œrelying on the United States to seek independenceโ€ and โ€œseeking independence through military force,โ€ escalating cross-Strait confrontation and antagonism and undermining peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait. They are, through and through, โ€œdestroyers of cross-Strait peaceโ€ and โ€œmakers of Taiwan Strait crises.โ€ He sternly warned the DPP authorities that the reunification of the motherland is unstoppable, and that no matter how many weapons they buy, it is like a mantis trying to stop a chariot; it will only accelerate the defeat and demise of โ€œTaiwan independence.โ€

Taiwan Affairs Office: The DPP authoritiesโ€™ bottomless kneeling to the United States and selling out Taiwan will inevitably backfire

At the State Council Taiwan Affairs Office press conference on May 27, a reporter asked: According to reports, after the โ€œUS-Taiwan reciprocal trade agreementโ€ was signed, US import tariffs on agricultural products such as Murcott tangors were lowered from the original 35 percent to 10 percent, triggering dissatisfaction among industry circles on the island. Some public opinion believes that the DPP authorities did not communicate with farmers on the island either before or after the fact, and that this is simply โ€œselling farmers for glory.โ€ What comment do you have on this?

State Council Taiwan Affairs Office spokesperson Chen Binhua, in response to the question, stated that the so-called โ€œreciprocal agreementโ€ is actually a list of bullying against Taiwanโ€™s economy and industries by the United States, and a contract for selling out Taiwan through the DPP authoritiesโ€™ bottomless kneeling to the United States. The DPP authorities, in order to โ€œrely on the United States to seek independence,โ€ disregard the welfare of the Taiwan people and turn Taiwan into a dumping ground for US products. This despicable conduct departs from the mainstream public opinion of Taiwan society, damages the immediate interests of Taiwanโ€™s industries and people, and will inevitably suffer backlash.

Taiwan Affairs Office: Mainland China Coast Guard law-enforcement patrols in waters near Kinmen are reasonable and lawful

On May 26, the Fujian Coast Guard lawfully carried out law-enforcement patrols in waters near Kinmen. State Council Taiwan Affairs Office spokesperson Chen Binhua stated that day that Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen, and Matsu are all part of China. Mainland coast guard departments carrying out law-enforcement patrol operations in the relevant waters is reasonable and lawful, and is beneficial to maintaining order in maritime operations and protecting the lives and property safety of fishermen on both sides of the Strait. We firmly support this.

PLA Activity Update, 5/24/2026


Author: Noah Reed


Notes:

  • All data from Taiwan’s MND
  • Percentage increases/decreases represent change from week to week.
  • Detection frequency refers to the amount of times an airframe type is mentioned in updates, not the total amount of aircraft sorties per airframe type.
  • “Official vessels” refers to China Coast Guard vessels and official PRC research ships.

More information at the PLA Activity Tracker.

OPINION: Retention vs. Rhetoric: Taiwanโ€™s All-Volunteer Force Retention Crisis

Author: Meng Kitย Tang

Guest Contributor


Introduction

Deterrence debates often focus on budgets, weapons systems, and alliances. In Taiwan, the conversation has increasingly emphasized societal resilience. Officials highlight rising defense spending, expanded civil-defense programs, and polls indicating public willingness to resist coercion. The narrative is reassuring: Taiwan is not only arming itself but also awakening as a society prepared to defend itself.

A more critical indicator is the ability of the all-volunteer force (AVF) to recruit and retain trained personnel, which reveals persistent institutional challenges. Between 2021 and 2024, Taiwan recruited 52,674 volunteer soldiers. Of these, 12,884 (24.47%) exited early, incurring penalties totaling nearly NT$896 million (US$28.29 million). By November 2025, the overall personnel fill rate had reached 79.2 percent. This marks an improvement from earlier lows, but it remains below sustainable thresholds for many frontline units, particularly in infantry and armor.

The Ministry of National Defense (MND) has responded with incentive policies, including pay adjustments, signing bonuses, campus recruitment drives, and a 10-point personnel plan. Certain 2025 recruitment phases exceeded targets, achieving 109 percent in one instance, while volunteer numbers rose by more than 2,000 since 2024, and active-duty personnel reached nearly 230,000 (an increase of approximately 10,000 since 2021). Retention rates have also improved, averaging around 86.7 percent and surpassing the MNDโ€™s 76 percent benchmark.

Nevertheless, early-exit trends and uneven staffing in combat units indicate that deeper structural issues remain. A credible deterrent requires a professional backbone of adequately staffed, trained, and cohesive units ready before any crisis. When retention falters, consequences begin to accumulate: heavier rotations, thinner institutional knowledge, accelerated burnout, and reduced capacity for sustained operations. These effects shape deterrence credibility more profoundly than optimistic rhetoric alone.

Taiwan, therefore, confronts two parallel realities. Societal willingness to defend the island appears to be strengthening, yet the AVF tasked with executing that defense continues to face retention pressures. The gap between inspirational messaging and professional force capacity must be addressed if deterrence is to rest on firm foundations.

The Data: Retention as Revealed Preference

From Recruitment Shortfalls to Early-Exit Surge

Manpower figures rarely capture public imagination, yet they offer one of the clearest windows into institutional health. Taiwanโ€™s AVF has not collapsed, but the trend lines point to persistent strain. Between 2021 and mid-2024, volunteer strength declined from roughly 164,000 to just under 153,000, representing an approximate 7 percent drop.

Recruitment incentives introduced in 2025 have produced modest stabilization and occasional over-target results in specific quarters. Nevertheless, these measures have not reversed the underlying dynamic: the system continues to lose trained personnel at the back end.

Aggregate fill rates illustrate the tension. By November 2025, staffing reached 79.2 percent, approaching the MNDโ€™s 80 percent target. On paper, this suggests gradual recovery. In practice, it obscures uneven distribution. While manageable in peacetime, such shortfalls complicate sustained operations once training cycles, rotations, and specialist roles are considered.

Early-discharge data reinforces the pattern. Applications to terminate contracts before completion have surged over the past several years. Of the 52,674 volunteers recruited between 2021 and 2024, just under 13,000 (roughly 24 percent) chose to exit early, collectively owing nearly NT$896 million in penalties. The years 2023 and 2024 alone saw 1,104 and 1,072 early exits, respectively, generating NT$244.72 million and NT$259.28 million in compensation payments.

The willingness to absorb financial costs is striking. These are not conscripts compelled by obligation; they are self-selected professionals who decided the opportunity cost of staying exceeded the penalty for leaving. In this sense, retention functions as a form of revealed preference. Surveys may measure attitudes, and recruitment campaigns may capture intent, but retention reflects lived experience. A recruit who signs a contract expresses optimism; a soldier who completes it signals satisfaction. Conversely, the one who pays to leave delivers a blunt assessment. The growing number of early exits suggests that the militaryโ€™s internal conditions, rather than public sentiment, drive manpower outcomes.

Similar pressures appear in other professional militaries. In the United States, for example, service members frequently cite rigid hierarchies, limited autonomy, unpredictable schedules, and work-life balance challenges as significant drivers of attrition, even among those with strong abstract commitment to service. 

These parallels indicate that Taiwanโ€™s retention difficulties reflect broader tensions between traditional military structures and the expectations of personnel in modern, high-skill economies.

Why They Pay to Leave 

Official breakdowns of exit reasons from the Ministry of National Defense point to two dominant factors. The first is economic competition. Taiwanโ€™s civilian economic sector, particularly in technology and manufacturing, offers wages and career trajectories that outpace military compensation, even after recent pay adjustments. For technically trained personnel, the gap is more than financial: civilian positions often promise clearer advancement pathways, specialized skill development, and greater geographic flexibility. When these options emerge, the decision to leave becomes less an expression of dissatisfaction and more a rational recalculation.

The second factor concerns institutional culture. Many departing volunteers cite difficulty adapting to rigid schedules, extended duty cycles, and limited autonomy. These rigid, repetitive routines, often interrupted by last-minute training changes, night sentry rotations, and constrained leave policies, create a pervasive sense of both monotony and unpredictability that clashes with expectations shaped by modern civilian workplaces. Younger recruits tend to view professional fulfillment through the lens of balance and purpose. When daily routines feel repetitive or disconnected from meaningful mission preparation, morale erodes.

This tension is compounded by leadership culture. Traditional command styles in the Taiwanese military remain heavily top-down and compliance-oriented, a legacy of the conscript era. It is noted that this approach often lacks the mentorship, constructive feedback, and decentralized decision-making common in modern professional forces. Promotion criteria can appear opaque, and opportunities for junior leaders to exercise initiative are limited. For a generation raised in a dynamic, high-trust civilian environment, this style frequently feels demotivating and outdated.

When daily routines feel repetitive, disconnected from meaningful combat preparation, and burdened by inconsistent leadership, morale erodes. Over time, these small but persistent frictions add up to a decisive reason to leave. The result is rarely public protest, but rather a quiet departure, often accompanied by a willingness to pay significant financial penalties.

Retention data, therefore, reveals more than numerical shortfalls. It exposes the friction between institutional design and societal change. Taiwanโ€™s volunteer force competes in a labor market that rewards flexibility and specialization, while operating within a framework built for stability and uniformity.

Polls vs. Behavior: The โ€œWilling to Fightโ€ Illusion

Public opinion surveys often appear reassuring. Across multiple waves from an Institute for National Defense and Security Research (INDSR) and Academia Sinica poll (2024โ€“March 2026), a clear majority of respondents, typically 60โ€“70 percent, say they are willing to defend Taiwan in the event of conflict.

A March 2026 Academia Sinica โ€œAmerican Portraitโ€ survey found that 58.7 percent of respondents would โ€œresist at all costsโ€ even without direct U.S. military intervention, with only a modest drop to 56.5 percent if the U.S. did intervene. At first glance, these results suggest a society psychologically prepared for a crisis. Political leaders cite them as evidence of resolve, and analysts sometimes treat them as a proxy for deterrence.

Yet willingness expressed in abstraction is not the same as commitment demonstrated in practice. More concrete questions erode the apparent consensus.

When respondents are asked whether each person should โ€œpay any price, including sacrificing lives,โ€ support drops sharply. An October 2025 My Formosa poll found only 40.8 percent willing to accept such costs, with 52.2 percent unwilling, reluctance being highest among younger cohorts.

This shift does not necessarily signal apathy; it reflects specificity. The closer a survey moves from principle to personal consequence, the more respondents weigh risks, tradeoffs, and opportunity costs. Social-desirability bias further amplifies the gap: in an environment where defending the island is the morally expected answer, respondents are inclined to signal commitment even when their private calculus is more conditional.

Behavioral data tells a quieter but more grounded story. The decision to leave a voluntary military contract early, often involving significant financial penalties, represents a costly signal untethered from hypothetical framing or patriotic rhetoric. It reflects daily experience: workload, leadership, career prospects, and perceived purpose.

When roughly one in four volunteers chooses to exit despite penalties, it suggests that abstract willingness to fight does not automatically translate into sustained participation in the institutions responsible for fighting. 

Comparisons with Ukraine and South Korea illustrate the distinction between abstract resolve and sustained institutional capacity in peacetime. Pre-invasion surveys in Ukraine showed moderate willingness to resist, yet prolonged conflict later revealed manpower strains. South Korea exhibits strong public support for defense alongside acute retention problems in its professional ranks, with notable shortfalls in NCO staffing and overall active-duty strength. Like Taiwan, high abstract resolve coexists with concrete shortfalls driven by better civilian opportunities, heavy workloads, and cultural mismatches. Peacetime institutional realities often lag behind societal sentiment.

The persistence of high โ€œwillingness-to-fightโ€ polling alongside measurable retention strain shows that public sentiment and institutional capacity often move on parallel tracks. One reflects identity and values; the other reflects lived experience. Deterrence depends on both, but only one produces staffed, cohesive units ready before conflict begins.

Rhetoric and Societal Resilience

Taiwanโ€™s defense conversation has grown louder, more confident, and more culturally visible. Speeches, civil-society initiatives, and dramatized depictions converge on a shared message: society is ready, unified, and resilient. This narrative carries substance as defense spending is set to reach 3.32 percent of GDP in the 2026 budget, reflecting a real commitment amid heightened threats.

President Lai Ching-te has framed defense as a โ€œwhole-of-societyโ€ project, linking extended conscription, reserve reform, and civil-defense training into a storyline of democratic resolve. This framing broadens ownership of national security and normalizes defense discussions.

Grassroots initiatives reinforce this momentum. The Kuma Academy, co-founded by legislator Puma Shen and supported by Robert Tsaoโ€™s pledge to train โ€œblack bear warriors,โ€ has drawn tens of thousands of participants, around 80,000 by 2025, with about 70 percent women. Training in first aid, disinformation awareness, and emergency response reflects genuine civic interest in preparedness.

This energy matters. It signals a willingness among citizens to invest in self-reliance. Yet it operates in a different domain from professional military service. Civilian training can broaden resilience, but it does not produce deployable units, technical specialization, or sustained command capacity.

Cultural products echo this optimism. The television drama Zero Day Attack portrays small-unit heroism and cohesion as decisive in repelling PLA forces. Its narrative is compelling and clearly intended to inspire. Produced with National Army cooperation and public funding, the series dramatizes an idealized stand that critics labeled a โ€œworld military miracleโ€ for largely ignoring drones, precision strikes, electronic warfare, attrition, and combined-arms realities.

Taken together, high-level speeches, civic initiatives, and cultural narratives cultivate a powerful sense of readiness. They shape public morale, normalize defense discourse, and widen participation. These are valuable outcomes in their own right.

However, when these elements prioritize inspirational perception over institutional realities, confidence can grow even as the professional backbone continues to face retention pressures. The contrast remains subtle: a society increasingly convinced of its resilience, and a volunteer force still negotiating whether long-term service feels sustainable.

Institutional Shortcomings and Macro Misnomers

The persistence of Taiwanโ€™s manpower gap points less to a shortage of patriotism than to structural weaknesses in the all-volunteer force. The 2010s transition from conscription assumed that market incentives and improved pay would naturally attract and retain talent. That assumption underestimated how sharply Taiwanโ€™s high-tech economy would outpace military compensation and lifestyle. Many volunteers ultimately calculate that the opportunity cost of staying exceeds the financial penalty for leaving.

The MNDโ€™s introduction of a 10-point personnel plan features campus recruitment, transition support, and new allowances. Volunteer numbers rose modestly by more than 2,000 since 2024, with some phases exceeding targets. Understrength units compound strain in concrete ways. Staffing below 80 percent disrupts collective training, limiting battalion- and brigade-level exercises. Non-commissioned officer (NCO) development weakens under heavier workloads and rapid turnover, eroding institutional knowledge. Specialists are spread thin, degrading technical proficiency, while reserve integration suffers as units lack the time and experienced cadre to train part-time forces. In a prolonged crisis, these pressures compound: rotations intensify, burnout rises, continuity frays, and the capacity to absorb attrition or sustain high-tempo operations declines. Peacetime understrength, in short, translates directly into wartime fragility.

These issues endure partly because of several misnomers in the defense debate. First, strong polling on โ€œwillingness to fightโ€ is often treated as proof of manpower resilience, even though surveys mainly capture hypothetical sentiment rather than sustained commitment. Second, challenges are frequently blamed on generational attitudes or declining patriotism rather than institutional design. Third, civil-defense enthusiasm exemplified by Kuma Academy is viewed as a sufficient substitute for a healthy professional force. Civilian preparedness strengthens societal resilience, but it cannot replace trained, cohesive units ready for sustained operations.

Taiwanโ€™s manpower problem is ultimately not about motivating citizens, but about aligning incentives, culture, and career pathways with the realities of a modern volunteer military. Deterrence depends on individuals who choose to remain in uniform long enough to become proficient. When they quietly depart, they erode the institutional memory and cohesion that rhetorical confidence alone cannot restore.

Policy Implications and Path Forward

Treating retention as a secondary personnel issue rather than a core deterrence variable distorts Taiwanโ€™s defense debate. Although the MNDโ€™s 10-point personnel plan and 2025 recruitment incentives have produced modest stabilization, these efforts have not reversed persistent early exits or lifted overall fill rates above 79.2 percent as of late 2025. If the professional backbone remains understrength, new platforms, asymmetric concepts, and civil-defense enthusiasm rest on a fragile foundation.

The first priority must be conceptual: retention should become a primary readiness metric, reported transparently alongside budgets and procurement. Unit-level dashboards that track fill rates, reenlistment, and early-exit patterns would shift focus from narrative optimism to institutional reality.

Workload reform offers the highest immediate return. Many early departures stem from cumulative strain: unpredictable schedules, limited leave, and uneven rotations. Operational tempo audits in high-attrition combat units, paired with pilot programs for predictable rest cycles and flexible leave, could reduce burnout more effectively than repeated recruitment bonuses.

Compensation and career structures also require rethinking. Taiwanโ€™s high-tech economy outpaces military pay and offers clearer advancement. Expanding technical career tracks in cyber, unmanned systems, and logisticsโ€”backed by civilian-recognized certificationsโ€”and tying retention bonuses to milestone achievements rather than initial enlistment would position service as a genuine professional investment.

Cultural change remains essential. Anonymized exit interviews and leadership training emphasizing small-unit management and feedback mechanisms could modernize hierarchical practices without weakening discipline. These adjustments would better align the force with the expectations of todayโ€™s volunteer recruits.

Civil-society energy should be harnessed, not romanticized. Integrating programs such as Kuma Academy more closely with official reserve pipelines would reduce duplication and strengthen, but not bypass, the professional core.

Allies, too, must adjust their approach. Security assistance should incorporate independent audits of fill rates and early-exit trends as benchmarks, ensuring that hardware support aligns with sustainable manpower levels.

Ultimately, deterrence credibility is built not on declarations of resolve or dramatized heroism, but on the quiet stability of institutions. A force that consistently retains its volunteers signals something deeper than willingness to fight: confidence that the organization itself is worth defending.


Meng Kit Tang is a Singaporean freelance analyst and commentator who works as an aerospace engineer. He graduated from the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), NTU, Singapore in 2025.

Weekly Arms Update:ย 5/20/26ย 

Authors:ย Joe Oโ€™Connor, Shikhar Chaturvedi, Danielle Kremer,ย &ย Wyeth Lindbergย 


This week: Comments by President Trump after his summit with Xi casted doubt on future arms sales to Taiwan; Minister Koo reported to the LY on the special budget, and announced that some Stinger missiles would arrive in Taiwan by the end of the year; and upgraded rocket launchers and infantry fighting vehicle cannons were revealed, alongside weekly awards and solicitations. 

Summit Aftermath: Arms Sales Policy in Jeopardy 

President Donald Trumpโ€™s post-summit comments have created new uncertainty around the pending U.S. arms package for Taiwan, reportedly worth up to US$14 billion (NT$441.8 billion). Before the summit, Beijing publicly warned against further U.S. arms sales to Taiwan, a position consistent with TAO statements tracked in TSMโ€™s Taiwan Affairs Office Statement Repository. After the summit, Trump said he โ€œtalked a lot about Taiwanโ€ with Xi, made โ€œno commitments,โ€ and declined to say whether the United States would defend Taiwan. In a Fox News interview, Trump went further, saying the delayed package โ€œdepends on Chinaโ€ and calling it โ€œa very good negotiating chip.โ€ Trump appeared to dismiss the 1982 Six Assurances as โ€œa far distance away,โ€ signaled U.S. policy would oppose Taiwan independence more explicitly, and argued that Taiwan faces difficult odds because China is โ€œvery, very powerfulโ€ and geographically closer. 

While the immediate risk is not a formal cancellation of U.S. arms sales policy; delays and conditionality remain a large question. That concern deepened after the Financial Times reported that Beijing is holding up a planned visit by U.S. Under Secretary of Defense for Policy Elbridge Colby as China pressures Trump over the same US$14 billion (NT$441.8 billion) Taiwan package. Taipei has responded by emphasizing that U.S. arms sales are grounded in the Taiwan Relations Act and remain a โ€œjoint deterrenceโ€ mechanism, while President Lai Ching-te said Taiwan โ€œwill absolutely not be sacrificed or traded.โ€ Minister of National Defense Wellington Koo also said Taiwan remains โ€œcautiously optimisticโ€ that U.S. arms sales will continue and that Washingtonโ€™s policy remains unchanged. However, Trump has now twice said he intends to speak with Lai before deciding on the package. Such a call, if held, would be the first publicly disclosed direct call between sitting U.S. and Taiwanese presidents since 1979. This comes as TSMโ€™s April backlog update placed the remaining backlog at US$29.72 billion, even after the final Abrams delivery reduced the topline. The Legislative Yuanโ€™s recent authorization of dedicated U.S. arms procurement funding improves Taipeiโ€™s position, but if the next package remains delayed, Beijing will have succeeded in pushing the Taiwan arms sales issue deeper into a U.S.-China bargaining channel. 

Kestrel Rocket Launcher, CM-34 Cannon Upgrades Revealed Danielle 

On May 19th, Taiwan’s National Chung-Shan Institute of Science and Technology (NCSIST) unveiled a second-generation Kestrel rocket launcher system. This system is reportedly able to penetrate 67 cm (26.4 in.) of armor and reach targets at 500 meters, with a larger launcher tube than its previous version to accommodate the increase in rocket caliber. It is also much longer than its predecessor, spanning 124cm (4.06 ft) rather than 116cm (3.8 ft). Although this version is larger, it remains a single-use, shoulder-carried system. Another improvement NCSIST has made with this version is its 5x optical zoom sight, which features a predicted line of sight (PLOS) reticle for tracking moving targets and a heat-seeking capability within the reticle. NCSIST stated it is also developing a confined-space (CS) variant of the second-generation Kestrel with a blast suppression module to reduce backblast flame, heat, and pressure. Testing for this variant is said to be completed in the second half of this year. 

Additionally, Taiwanโ€™s domestically produced CM-34 Clouded Leopard armored vehicle is set to receive an upgraded 30 mm Mk-44 Bushmaster II cannon. This upgrade is seen as a powerful weapon against enemy drones due to its 30 mm machine gun system. Currently, the first-generation MK-44 long-barrel cannon is unable to fire airburst high-explosive rounds. The newer generation is said to address these limitations by featuring programmable, timed firing capabilities and the ability to fire air-burst high-explosive munitions (ABMs), allowing for more effective engagement of targets behind cover or in the open. The upgraded weapon will reportedly be installed on a new CM-34A1 variant built on the second-generation Clouded Leopard chassis. Taiwanโ€™s military also plans to begin procuring hundreds of new reconnaissance vehicles and 500 โ€œCheetahโ€ armored vehicles starting in 2028. The Cheetah is said to feature 105 mm low-recoil guns along with coaxial and remotely operated machine guns, with operational testing expected to conclude by the end of June. 

Special Budget: Koo Reports to LY on Budget, HIMARS 

Work on the special defense budget from both the Lai administration and Legislative Yuan (LY) members continued, as on Tuesday, Minister Koo and Premier Cho Jung-tai reported on the budget proposal for the first round of U.S. arms procurement, consisting of sales notified in December, including HIMARS, Paladins, and anti-armor missiles. Readers will recall that the LY approved a ceiling of NT$300 billion (US$9.5 billion) for this tranche, and Premier Cho stated to the LY that the Lai administration has formulated a total funding request of NT$294 billion (US$9.3 billion).  

Koo also stated to the LY that the MND is prepared to make an initial payment of NT$800 million for HIMARS systems that is due by the end of May. If special budget funding is not appropriated by then, Koo stated that Article 84 of the Budget Act would be invoked, providing authority to make payments in emergency situations. Due to the time crunch, LY officials stated that they would expedite consideration of the budget proposal, with hearings scheduled for multiple days next week. 

Koo: Stinger Missiles to Arrive by End of Year 

In the same LY hearing on Tuesday, Minister Koo also told legislators that he expects 500 Stinger man-portable surface-to-air missile systems to be delivered to Taiwan by the end of this year. This is approximately 20% of the 2,621 total Stingers that are set to be delivered to Taiwan by 2031. Per Koo, the Army and Navy will both receive 250 of the initial batch of 500, with the Army receiving just under 2,000 of the remaining 2,121 missiles, the rest going to the Navy and Military Police.  

These 500 Stingers appear to be across two FMS cases from 2015 and 2019 that have been repeatedly delayed, and documentation in December 2025 indicated that they were to be delivered by the end of that year, explaining why it was removed from TSMโ€™s Taiwan Arms Sale Backlog at that time; it appears, however, that they were not delivered.  

Weekly Awards / Solicitations 

On Friday, dual bid solicitations and an award were made: 

  • The Ministry of National Defenseย solicitedย bids for the purchase of inland transportation in America of military goodsย purchasedย overseas by the ROC Military Mission to the United States. The solicitation is valued atย NT$259.25 million (US$8.22 million).ย 
  • The Naval Commandโ€™sย Zuoyingย Logistics Support Commandย solicitedย bids for the renovation of the ship repair control room at theย Zuoyingย Naval Base, worthย NT$39.28 million (US$1.25 million).ย 
  • The Information and Communications Command awarded aย NT$801.49 million (US$25.37 million) contractย to Dimension Computer Technology Co., Ltd for 11 items including cross-domain integrated solution software and hardware equipment. The contract is to be fulfilled nationwide.ย 

On Tuesday, the Naval Maintenance Command solicited bids for the purchase of an open-ended maintenance contract for 29 repairable aviation parts, worth NT$235.26 million (US$7.43 million).