Taiwan Security Monitor

OPINION: Retention vs. Rhetoric: Taiwanโ€™s All-Volunteer Force Retention Crisis

Author: Meng Kitย Tang

Guest Contributor


Introduction

Deterrence debates often focus on budgets, weapons systems, and alliances. In Taiwan, the conversation has increasingly emphasized societal resilience. Officials highlight rising defense spending, expanded civil-defense programs, and polls indicating public willingness to resist coercion. The narrative is reassuring: Taiwan is not only arming itself but also awakening as a society prepared to defend itself.

A more critical indicator is the ability of the all-volunteer force (AVF) to recruit and retain trained personnel, which reveals persistent institutional challenges. Between 2021 and 2024, Taiwan recruited 52,674 volunteer soldiers. Of these, 12,884 (24.47%) exited early, incurring penalties totaling nearly NT$896 million (US$28.29 million). By November 2025, the overall personnel fill rate had reached 79.2 percent. This marks an improvement from earlier lows, but it remains below sustainable thresholds for many frontline units, particularly in infantry and armor.

The Ministry of National Defense (MND) has responded with incentive policies, including pay adjustments, signing bonuses, campus recruitment drives, and a 10-point personnel plan. Certain 2025 recruitment phases exceeded targets, achieving 109 percent in one instance, while volunteer numbers rose by more than 2,000 since 2024, and active-duty personnel reached nearly 230,000 (an increase of approximately 10,000 since 2021). Retention rates have also improved, averaging around 86.7 percent and surpassing the MNDโ€™s 76 percent benchmark.

Nevertheless, early-exit trends and uneven staffing in combat units indicate that deeper structural issues remain. A credible deterrent requires a professional backbone of adequately staffed, trained, and cohesive units ready before any crisis. When retention falters, consequences begin to accumulate: heavier rotations, thinner institutional knowledge, accelerated burnout, and reduced capacity for sustained operations. These effects shape deterrence credibility more profoundly than optimistic rhetoric alone.

Taiwan, therefore, confronts two parallel realities. Societal willingness to defend the island appears to be strengthening, yet the AVF tasked with executing that defense continues to face retention pressures. The gap between inspirational messaging and professional force capacity must be addressed if deterrence is to rest on firm foundations.

The Data: Retention as Revealed Preference

From Recruitment Shortfalls to Early-Exit Surge

Manpower figures rarely capture public imagination, yet they offer one of the clearest windows into institutional health. Taiwanโ€™s AVF has not collapsed, but the trend lines point to persistent strain. Between 2021 and mid-2024, volunteer strength declined from roughly 164,000 to just under 153,000, representing an approximate 7 percent drop.

Recruitment incentives introduced in 2025 have produced modest stabilization and occasional over-target results in specific quarters. Nevertheless, these measures have not reversed the underlying dynamic: the system continues to lose trained personnel at the back end.

Aggregate fill rates illustrate the tension. By November 2025, staffing reached 79.2 percent, approaching the MNDโ€™s 80 percent target. On paper, this suggests gradual recovery. In practice, it obscures uneven distribution. While manageable in peacetime, such shortfalls complicate sustained operations once training cycles, rotations, and specialist roles are considered.

Early-discharge data reinforces the pattern. Applications to terminate contracts before completion have surged over the past several years. Of the 52,674 volunteers recruited between 2021 and 2024, just under 13,000 (roughly 24 percent) chose to exit early, collectively owing nearly NT$896 million in penalties. The years 2023 and 2024 alone saw 1,104 and 1,072 early exits, respectively, generating NT$244.72 million and NT$259.28 million in compensation payments.

The willingness to absorb financial costs is striking. These are not conscripts compelled by obligation; they are self-selected professionals who decided the opportunity cost of staying exceeded the penalty for leaving. In this sense, retention functions as a form of revealed preference. Surveys may measure attitudes, and recruitment campaigns may capture intent, but retention reflects lived experience. A recruit who signs a contract expresses optimism; a soldier who completes it signals satisfaction. Conversely, the one who pays to leave delivers a blunt assessment. The growing number of early exits suggests that the militaryโ€™s internal conditions, rather than public sentiment, drive manpower outcomes.

Similar pressures appear in other professional militaries. In the United States, for example, service members frequently cite rigid hierarchies, limited autonomy, unpredictable schedules, and work-life balance challenges as significant drivers of attrition, even among those with strong abstract commitment to service. 

These parallels indicate that Taiwanโ€™s retention difficulties reflect broader tensions between traditional military structures and the expectations of personnel in modern, high-skill economies.

Why They Pay to Leave 

Official breakdowns of exit reasons from the Ministry of National Defense point to two dominant factors. The first is economic competition. Taiwanโ€™s civilian economic sector, particularly in technology and manufacturing, offers wages and career trajectories that outpace military compensation, even after recent pay adjustments. For technically trained personnel, the gap is more than financial: civilian positions often promise clearer advancement pathways, specialized skill development, and greater geographic flexibility. When these options emerge, the decision to leave becomes less an expression of dissatisfaction and more a rational recalculation.

The second factor concerns institutional culture. Many departing volunteers cite difficulty adapting to rigid schedules, extended duty cycles, and limited autonomy. These rigid, repetitive routines, often interrupted by last-minute training changes, night sentry rotations, and constrained leave policies, create a pervasive sense of both monotony and unpredictability that clashes with expectations shaped by modern civilian workplaces. Younger recruits tend to view professional fulfillment through the lens of balance and purpose. When daily routines feel repetitive or disconnected from meaningful mission preparation, morale erodes.

This tension is compounded by leadership culture. Traditional command styles in the Taiwanese military remain heavily top-down and compliance-oriented, a legacy of the conscript era. It is noted that this approach often lacks the mentorship, constructive feedback, and decentralized decision-making common in modern professional forces. Promotion criteria can appear opaque, and opportunities for junior leaders to exercise initiative are limited. For a generation raised in a dynamic, high-trust civilian environment, this style frequently feels demotivating and outdated.

When daily routines feel repetitive, disconnected from meaningful combat preparation, and burdened by inconsistent leadership, morale erodes. Over time, these small but persistent frictions add up to a decisive reason to leave. The result is rarely public protest, but rather a quiet departure, often accompanied by a willingness to pay significant financial penalties.

Retention data, therefore, reveals more than numerical shortfalls. It exposes the friction between institutional design and societal change. Taiwanโ€™s volunteer force competes in a labor market that rewards flexibility and specialization, while operating within a framework built for stability and uniformity.

Polls vs. Behavior: The โ€œWilling to Fightโ€ Illusion

Public opinion surveys often appear reassuring. Across multiple waves from an Institute for National Defense and Security Research (INDSR) and Academia Sinica poll (2024โ€“March 2026), a clear majority of respondents, typically 60โ€“70 percent, say they are willing to defend Taiwan in the event of conflict.

A March 2026 Academia Sinica โ€œAmerican Portraitโ€ survey found that 58.7 percent of respondents would โ€œresist at all costsโ€ even without direct U.S. military intervention, with only a modest drop to 56.5 percent if the U.S. did intervene. At first glance, these results suggest a society psychologically prepared for a crisis. Political leaders cite them as evidence of resolve, and analysts sometimes treat them as a proxy for deterrence.

Yet willingness expressed in abstraction is not the same as commitment demonstrated in practice. More concrete questions erode the apparent consensus.

When respondents are asked whether each person should โ€œpay any price, including sacrificing lives,โ€ support drops sharply. An October 2025 My Formosa poll found only 40.8 percent willing to accept such costs, with 52.2 percent unwilling, reluctance being highest among younger cohorts.

This shift does not necessarily signal apathy; it reflects specificity. The closer a survey moves from principle to personal consequence, the more respondents weigh risks, tradeoffs, and opportunity costs. Social-desirability bias further amplifies the gap: in an environment where defending the island is the morally expected answer, respondents are inclined to signal commitment even when their private calculus is more conditional.

Behavioral data tells a quieter but more grounded story. The decision to leave a voluntary military contract early, often involving significant financial penalties, represents a costly signal untethered from hypothetical framing or patriotic rhetoric. It reflects daily experience: workload, leadership, career prospects, and perceived purpose.

When roughly one in four volunteers chooses to exit despite penalties, it suggests that abstract willingness to fight does not automatically translate into sustained participation in the institutions responsible for fighting. 

Comparisons with Ukraine and South Korea illustrate the distinction between abstract resolve and sustained institutional capacity in peacetime. Pre-invasion surveys in Ukraine showed moderate willingness to resist, yet prolonged conflict later revealed manpower strains. South Korea exhibits strong public support for defense alongside acute retention problems in its professional ranks, with notable shortfalls in NCO staffing and overall active-duty strength. Like Taiwan, high abstract resolve coexists with concrete shortfalls driven by better civilian opportunities, heavy workloads, and cultural mismatches. Peacetime institutional realities often lag behind societal sentiment.

The persistence of high โ€œwillingness-to-fightโ€ polling alongside measurable retention strain shows that public sentiment and institutional capacity often move on parallel tracks. One reflects identity and values; the other reflects lived experience. Deterrence depends on both, but only one produces staffed, cohesive units ready before conflict begins.

Rhetoric and Societal Resilience

Taiwanโ€™s defense conversation has grown louder, more confident, and more culturally visible. Speeches, civil-society initiatives, and dramatized depictions converge on a shared message: society is ready, unified, and resilient. This narrative carries substance as defense spending is set to reach 3.32 percent of GDP in the 2026 budget, reflecting a real commitment amid heightened threats.

President Lai Ching-te has framed defense as a โ€œwhole-of-societyโ€ project, linking extended conscription, reserve reform, and civil-defense training into a storyline of democratic resolve. This framing broadens ownership of national security and normalizes defense discussions.

Grassroots initiatives reinforce this momentum. The Kuma Academy, co-founded by legislator Puma Shen and supported by Robert Tsaoโ€™s pledge to train โ€œblack bear warriors,โ€ has drawn tens of thousands of participants, around 80,000 by 2025, with about 70 percent women. Training in first aid, disinformation awareness, and emergency response reflects genuine civic interest in preparedness.

This energy matters. It signals a willingness among citizens to invest in self-reliance. Yet it operates in a different domain from professional military service. Civilian training can broaden resilience, but it does not produce deployable units, technical specialization, or sustained command capacity.

Cultural products echo this optimism. The television drama Zero Day Attack portrays small-unit heroism and cohesion as decisive in repelling PLA forces. Its narrative is compelling and clearly intended to inspire. Produced with National Army cooperation and public funding, the series dramatizes an idealized stand that critics labeled a โ€œworld military miracleโ€ for largely ignoring drones, precision strikes, electronic warfare, attrition, and combined-arms realities.

Taken together, high-level speeches, civic initiatives, and cultural narratives cultivate a powerful sense of readiness. They shape public morale, normalize defense discourse, and widen participation. These are valuable outcomes in their own right.

However, when these elements prioritize inspirational perception over institutional realities, confidence can grow even as the professional backbone continues to face retention pressures. The contrast remains subtle: a society increasingly convinced of its resilience, and a volunteer force still negotiating whether long-term service feels sustainable.

Institutional Shortcomings and Macro Misnomers

The persistence of Taiwanโ€™s manpower gap points less to a shortage of patriotism than to structural weaknesses in the all-volunteer force. The 2010s transition from conscription assumed that market incentives and improved pay would naturally attract and retain talent. That assumption underestimated how sharply Taiwanโ€™s high-tech economy would outpace military compensation and lifestyle. Many volunteers ultimately calculate that the opportunity cost of staying exceeds the financial penalty for leaving.

The MNDโ€™s introduction of a 10-point personnel plan features campus recruitment, transition support, and new allowances. Volunteer numbers rose modestly by more than 2,000 since 2024, with some phases exceeding targets. Understrength units compound strain in concrete ways. Staffing below 80 percent disrupts collective training, limiting battalion- and brigade-level exercises. Non-commissioned officer (NCO) development weakens under heavier workloads and rapid turnover, eroding institutional knowledge. Specialists are spread thin, degrading technical proficiency, while reserve integration suffers as units lack the time and experienced cadre to train part-time forces. In a prolonged crisis, these pressures compound: rotations intensify, burnout rises, continuity frays, and the capacity to absorb attrition or sustain high-tempo operations declines. Peacetime understrength, in short, translates directly into wartime fragility.

These issues endure partly because of several misnomers in the defense debate. First, strong polling on โ€œwillingness to fightโ€ is often treated as proof of manpower resilience, even though surveys mainly capture hypothetical sentiment rather than sustained commitment. Second, challenges are frequently blamed on generational attitudes or declining patriotism rather than institutional design. Third, civil-defense enthusiasm exemplified by Kuma Academy is viewed as a sufficient substitute for a healthy professional force. Civilian preparedness strengthens societal resilience, but it cannot replace trained, cohesive units ready for sustained operations.

Taiwanโ€™s manpower problem is ultimately not about motivating citizens, but about aligning incentives, culture, and career pathways with the realities of a modern volunteer military. Deterrence depends on individuals who choose to remain in uniform long enough to become proficient. When they quietly depart, they erode the institutional memory and cohesion that rhetorical confidence alone cannot restore.

Policy Implications and Path Forward

Treating retention as a secondary personnel issue rather than a core deterrence variable distorts Taiwanโ€™s defense debate. Although the MNDโ€™s 10-point personnel plan and 2025 recruitment incentives have produced modest stabilization, these efforts have not reversed persistent early exits or lifted overall fill rates above 79.2 percent as of late 2025. If the professional backbone remains understrength, new platforms, asymmetric concepts, and civil-defense enthusiasm rest on a fragile foundation.

The first priority must be conceptual: retention should become a primary readiness metric, reported transparently alongside budgets and procurement. Unit-level dashboards that track fill rates, reenlistment, and early-exit patterns would shift focus from narrative optimism to institutional reality.

Workload reform offers the highest immediate return. Many early departures stem from cumulative strain: unpredictable schedules, limited leave, and uneven rotations. Operational tempo audits in high-attrition combat units, paired with pilot programs for predictable rest cycles and flexible leave, could reduce burnout more effectively than repeated recruitment bonuses.

Compensation and career structures also require rethinking. Taiwanโ€™s high-tech economy outpaces military pay and offers clearer advancement. Expanding technical career tracks in cyber, unmanned systems, and logisticsโ€”backed by civilian-recognized certificationsโ€”and tying retention bonuses to milestone achievements rather than initial enlistment would position service as a genuine professional investment.

Cultural change remains essential. Anonymized exit interviews and leadership training emphasizing small-unit management and feedback mechanisms could modernize hierarchical practices without weakening discipline. These adjustments would better align the force with the expectations of todayโ€™s volunteer recruits.

Civil-society energy should be harnessed, not romanticized. Integrating programs such as Kuma Academy more closely with official reserve pipelines would reduce duplication and strengthen, but not bypass, the professional core.

Allies, too, must adjust their approach. Security assistance should incorporate independent audits of fill rates and early-exit trends as benchmarks, ensuring that hardware support aligns with sustainable manpower levels.

Ultimately, deterrence credibility is built not on declarations of resolve or dramatized heroism, but on the quiet stability of institutions. A force that consistently retains its volunteers signals something deeper than willingness to fight: confidence that the organization itself is worth defending.


Meng Kit Tang is a Singaporean freelance analyst and commentator who works as an aerospace engineer. He graduated from the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), NTU, Singapore in 2025.

Taiwanese Army Reform Update, Q1 2026

Author: Noah Reed


Welcome to the inaugural edition of the Taiwanese Army Reform Update, where we examine recent innovations and reforms in the Republic of China Army (ROCA). This edition will examine recent drone integration and training efforts, the re-classification of several brigades, and training reforms for one-year reservists.

Drone Integration and Training Accelerates

The most significant development in the first half of 2026 relates to the proliferation and integration of unmanned systems into ROCA units. Minister of National Defense Wellington Koo stated in a 2025 Legislative Yuan testimony that the ROCA would establish independent drone battalions, subordinated to the 21st, 58th, and 43rd Artillery Commands, respectively.[i] The deadline for these units to be stood up was stated to be July 2026, although the battalions under the 21st and 58th have seemingly already been activated and have begun providing drone certification training to personnel in several other ROCA units.[ii] Some level of drone adoption, especially reconnaissance UAVs, is also present in the 1st and 2nd Theater Commands.  The 1st and 2nd Theater Commands are tasked with defending Penghu and Taiwanโ€™s eastern Hualien and Taitung counties, respectively.

The Artillery Commandโ€™s drone battalions are responsible for both strike and reconnaissance roles, and, from available information, UAV operators are organized into base tactical teams of 5-person units. These teams consist of:

  • A team leader.
  • A deputy team leader.
  • A reconnaissance drone operator.
  • Two FPV strike drone operators.

Figure: ROCA Drone Tactical Team Order-of-Battle (Symbols from Spatial Illusions).

Outside of the Armyโ€™s artillery units, drone integration continues at the institutional as well as regular and reserve unit levels. In April of this year, the Army inaugurated the Unmanned Systems Training Command (็„กไบบ็ณป็ตฑ่จ“็ทดๆŒ‡ๆฎ้ƒจ), which will integrate the training and research process between the services.[iii]  

Map: Visualization of drone unit distribution and identification.

Keeping with the emphasis on education and training, reserve units have begun incorporating drones into mobilization training and have brought in licensed civilian drone operators to assist.[iv] Expect the upcoming Han Kuang exercise to heavily feature unmanned systems employment in the called-up reservist formations.

Image: The inauguration of the Unmanned Systems Training Command (Photo: MND)

Formal integration of unmanned systems into the organization of the ROCAโ€™s combined arms brigades and regional commands will likely follow once procurement and training have reached the appropriate scale. At this moment, it is unclear if that integration will manifest into independent drone companies and battalions, or if the new equipment and drone operators will be folded into the unitsโ€™ existing organizational structure.

Taiwan has made impressive strides in the adoption of unmanned systems over the last year. While the current focus of the ROCA is building the institutions required for specialized training, several new units have been established or re-constituted for a drone-centric role, and drones increasingly feature in ROCA exercises.  The challenge of creating skilled drone operators in every unit will be steep, especially for reservist formations. However, Taiwanโ€™s institutionalization of drone training has built a solid foundation for its future unmanned systems forces.

Several ROCA Units Reclassified as Combined Arms Brigades

In January of this year, the ROCA officially reclassified seven of its armored and mechanized infantry brigades to Combined Arms Brigades. This change was the natural continuation of reforms dating back to 2019, when the Ministry of National Defense (MND) began battalion-level reforms to adopt a combined arms organization.[v]

Former Brigade NameNew Brigade NameRegion & Command
269th Mechanized Infantry Brigade269th Combined Arms Brigade6th Army Corps / 3rd Theater (Northern Taiwan)
242nd Armored Brigade242nd Combined Arms Brigade6th Army Corps / 3rd Theater (Northern Taiwan)
584th Armored Brigade584th Combined Arms Brigade6th Army Corps / 3rd Theater (Northern Taiwan)
586th Armored Brigade586th Combined Arms Brigade10th Army Corps / 5th Theater (Central Taiwan)
234th Mechanized Infantry Brigade234th Combined Arms Brigade10th Army Corps / 5th Theater (Central Taiwan)
564th Armored Brigade564th Combined Arms Brigade8th Army Corps / 4th Theater (Southern Taiwan)
333rd Mechanized Infantry Brigade333rd Combined Arms Brigade8th Army Corps // 4th Theater (Southern Taiwan)

Figure: Former and current brigade classifications and regions.

In practice, that shift resulted in the ROCAโ€™s regular battalions integrating armor, mechanized, and anti-tank equipment more uniformly and ensured the regional area commands would not lag behind the seven premier mechanized and armored brigades in experience and capability.

The ROCAโ€™s headquarters said the reclassification aligns with overall force development planning and changes in the battlefield environment, while enhancing โ€œoverall defensive combat capabilities.โ€[vi] This does not, however, mean every brigade’s overall organization and combat role is now uniform. The former armored brigades, specifically the 584th, will receive M1A2T Abrams tanks before their former mechanized counterparts, and will still feature armor more prominently. The last of those 108 Abrams tanks arrived in late April, where they will soon join the two commissioned battalions in the 584th Combined Arms Brigade.

The reclassification represents the end of a multi-year effort to modernize the ROCAโ€™s force structure among its full-strength, volunteer force brigades. On paper, this effort aligns with Taiwanโ€™s overall defensive strategy of creating several high-readiness mobile strike units, which can quickly respond to any landing attempts, while mobilized reservist and lower-readiness formations defend infrastructure and territory in their respective regions.

Map: Visualization of unit distribution and identification.

Survivability is the main concern with such a strategy. If units have time to disperse and entrench in forward positions before their garrisons come under fire, they stand to put up serious resistance. However, if units are caught with their vehicles in motor pools during the opening salvo of a conflict, there are serious concerns about their ability to maneuver to forward positions under fire, especially when roads and bridges could be damaged.

Reserve Infantry Brigades to Train with Volunteer Brigades

Reforms were also introduced to the ROCAโ€™s reserve infantry brigades earlier this year. Taiwanโ€™s infantry brigades are primarily used for training reservists and volunteers during peacetime, although they are expected to become full-strength combat units tasked with regional defense in the event of conflict.

To soften that process, one-year conscripts from several infantry brigades will begin to train alongside the volunteer Combined Arms Brigades during live-fire exercises, per an Executive Yuan policy reported published in January.[vii] This is an important step in training reform, and one that has the potential to improve brigade cooperation and experience. Select battalions from five reserve infantry brigades, likely the 109th, 249th, 101st, 137th, and 117th, will attend Tri-Service live-fire exercises starting later this year.

These five brigades will also form the core of Taiwanโ€™s reserve defense strategy and, during wartime, will protect critical infrastructure and provide defensive depth and support to the more mobile and experienced Combined Arms Brigades.

Map: Visualization of unit distribution and areas of responsibility.


[i] ้™ณๆฒป็จ‹, ๅœ‹่ปใ€Ž็„กไบบๆฉŸๅคง้šŠใ€ๅฐ‡้šธ่ปๅœ˜็ ฒๆŒ‡้ƒจ ๆ˜Žๅนด7ๆœˆๅ‰ๅˆ†้šŽๆฎต็ทจๆˆ. Liberty Times. https://def.ltn.com.tw/article/breakingnews/5221462

[ii] ้™ณๅฝฅ้™ต, 21็ ฒๆŒ‡้ƒจ็„กไบบๆฉŸ็ณป็ตฑๅŒ–่จ“็ทดโ€‚ๅผทๅŒ–้ƒจ้šŠๅฐˆๆฅญๆŠ€่ก“. Youth Daily News. https://www.ydn.com.tw/tw/News/ugC_News_Detail.aspx?ID=596420

[iii] ่ณดไฝณๆฌฃ, ็„กไบบ็ณป็ตฑ่จ“็ทดๆŒ‡ๆฎ้ƒจๆ‹œๆœƒๆถˆ้˜ฒ็ฝฒ่จ“็ทดไธญๅฟƒ ๅผทๅŒ–ๅ…จ็คพๆœƒ้˜ฒ่ก›้ŸŒๆ€งๅ…ฑๅŒ็›ฎๆจ™. VOH Network. https://www.voh.com.tw/tw/News/ugC_News_Detail.aspx?CID=1&ID=12681&P=1

[iv] ๆŽไบบๅฒณ, ๆ•™ๅฌ็„กไบบๆฉŸ่ชฒ็จ‹2ๅฐๆ™‚ ็†Ÿ็ทดๅพŒๅฏ็”ณ่ซ‹่ญ‰็…ง๏ผŸๅฐˆๅฎถ๏ผšๆฒ’ๆƒณๅƒไธญ็ฐกๅ–ฎ. United Daily News. https://udn.com/news/story/10930/9177211

[v] ๆฅŠไป็ฟ”, ้™ธ่ปๆ‰“ๆ“Šๆ—…ๅ…จ้ขๆ›ดๅใ€Œ่ฏๅˆๅ…ต็จฎๆ—…ใ€ ๅญธ่€…๏ผšๅ…ทๅ‚™็จ็ซ‹ไฝœๆˆฐ่ƒฝๅŠ›. RTI. https://www.rti.org.tw/news?uid=3&pid=186960

[vi] CNA/UDN report, ่ฃ็”ฒใ€ๆฉŸๆญฅๆ—…ๆ›ด้Šœใ€Œ่ฏๅˆๅ…ต็จฎๆ—…ใ€ ้™ธ่ป๏ผš้ †ๆ‡‰ๅปบ่ป่ฆ็•ซ. https://udn.com/news/story/10930/9271957

[vii] ่ณดไบŽๆฆ›, ๆ”ฟ้™ข๏ผšๅผทๅŒ–ๆ‰“ๆ“Š่ƒฝๅŠ›ใ€€ไปŠๅนด่ตทไธ€ๅนดๆœŸ็พฉๅ‹™ๅฝน็ทจๆˆๆญฅๅ…ต็‡Ÿ. CNA. https://www.cna.com.tw/news/aipl/202601310030.aspx

Weekly Security Review: 5/11/26

Authors: Mina Chen, Danielle Kremer & Jaime Ocon


Welcome to the Weekly Security Review, where we highlight key military, security, and political developments around Taiwan in one straightforward summary!

This week, Taiwanโ€™s legislature finalizes a supplemental budget focused on U.S. FMS programs, the military weighs deploying HIMARS to the outlying islands, and the Indigenous submarine Hai Kun completes weapons testing.

Taiwan’s Legislature Passes Scaled-Down NT$780 Billion Defense Budget

Taiwan’s Legislative Yuan on Friday, May 8, approved a special defence budget of NT$780 billion (US$25 billion). The vote ended 162 days of political gridlock, but the final figure falls well short of President Lai’s NT$1.25 trillion proposal. The result was shaped almost entirely by the two main opposition parties, the Kuomintang (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), which together hold a legislative majority.

The KMT was originally divided between a NT$380 billion version supported by chairperson Cheng Li-wun and a NT$800 billion version backed by several KMT legislators. After several internal party caucuses and pressure from Washington, the party eventually acquiesced to NT$300 billion (US$9.7 billion) for a first round of US arms procurement and NT$480 billion (US$15.3 billion) for a second. The scope of permitted purchases under the NT$300 billion cap includes Paladin self-propelled howitzers, High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS), ALTIUS unmanned loitering munitions, Javelin, and TOW-2B anti-armor missiles. The second tranche, with a ceiling of NT$480 billion, will consist of funding for future items that the U.S. government will issue Letters of Offer and Acceptance (LOAs) for. These are rumored to include additional Patriot and National Advanced Surface-to-Air Missile Systems (NASAMS) batteries, as well as other items.  

The final budget is approximately 40%  less than President Lai Ching-te’s original eight-year budget plan. Critically, the items cut from the proposal fall into two categories: commercial procurement (combined NT$100 billion) and domestic contract manufacturing (combined NT$250 billion). There are concerns that the budget cut could both undermine Taiwan’s air defense network and also hinder the development of Taiwan’s defense industry due to a lack of domestic defense contracts.

Army Plans to Forward Deploy HIMARS to Outlying Islands

Taiwanโ€™s military reiterated its plans to deploy U.S.-made HIMARS launchers to the outlying islands of Penghu and Dongyin. Unnamed military sources from the Liberty Times say the move is intended to extend the reach of the islandโ€™s long-range strike capabilities and push Chinese military forces farther away from Taiwanโ€™s coastline.

Sources say the planned deployment could create a posture that would increase the tactical value of HIMARS by threatening Peopleโ€™s Liberation Army (PLA) bases, airfields and staging areas along Chinaโ€™s southeastern coast. According to the article, the core idea is to create a โ€œdead zoneโ€ that would force the PLA to pull key forces at least 100 kilometers inland to reduce their vulnerability to Taiwanese precision strikes. By distributing long-range fires to offshore islands, Taiwan would complicate PLA targeting, preserve more warning time, and raise the cost of any attempt at a rapid amphibious assault.

Penghu is roughly 150 kilometers from Chinaโ€™s Fujian Province, and specialized munitions such as Army Tactical Missile Systems (ATACMS) fired from HIMARS on the islands could reach PLA landing assembly areas in Quanzhou, Xiamen, and Zhangzhou. Dongyin, Taiwanโ€™s northernmost territory, sits even closer to the Chinese mainland and could place additional PLA facilities in range, including naval ports, radar sites, and air defense positions.

Taiwan has already begun receiving HIMARS and ATACMS from the United States, and once all planned deliveries are complete, the military expects to field 111 HIMARS launchers and 504 ATACMS missiles. Sources within Taiwanโ€™s Ministry of National Defense (MND) have reportedly also reserved space in a later procurement package for the Precision Strike Missile (PrSM), with a range of roughly 500 km. If acquired, the combination of HIMARS, ATACMS, and future PrSM would give Taipei a deeper fire network capable of threatening PLA staging areas, logistics nodes, and air bases across the Strait.

Indigenous Defense Submarine Completes Weapons Test

Taiwanโ€™s first Indigenous Defense Submarine (IDS), Hai Kun (SS-711), has completed a major weapons system verification test on May 7. According to China Ship Building Corporation (CSBC), the trial was conducted on May 6 and involved the launch of two Mk48 Mod 6 Advanced Technology heavyweight torpedoes. The test was designed to oversee the vesselโ€™s ability to detect, track, and engage a target using its combat system. 

CSBC released video of the test showing the torpedoes leaving the tubes and the wire guidance system visible in the underwater footage. The test is a significant milestone for Hai Kun, which has faced delays caused by integration issues with foreign-made subsystems. The original plan called for delivery to the Taiwanese Navy in December 2025 but has since changed the delivery date to July 2026. The Mk48 Mod 6AT torpedoes will be the predominant weapons systems aboard the IDS. In 2017 and 2020, the U.S. announced separate FMS packages of Mk 48 Mod 6 torpedoes; as of the time of writing, both are considered โ€œdelayedโ€ by the MND, in reports to the LY. 

With the weapons trial complete, CSBC plans to continue preparing Hai Kun for dockside maintenance and subsequent testing. 

Weekly Security Review: 4/27/26

Authors: Mina Chen, Danielle Kremer, Jaime Oconย 


Welcome to the Weekly Security Review, where we highlight key military, security, and political developments around Taiwan in one straightforward summary!

This week, Taiwan wraps up simulated wargames ahead of live-fire drills, the countryโ€™s ocean minister visits the disputed South China Sea, and President Lai is pressured to cancel his visit to Africa. 

Taiwan Concludes Computer-Simulated Wargames

Taiwanโ€™s Ministry of National Defense (MND) concluded the computer-simulated phase of its annual Han Kuang military exercises on April 25. For 14 days, the military used intensive wargaming software to stress-test the decision-making capabilities of the island’s armed forces under simulated combat conditions. Minister of National Defense Wellington Koo made the announcement on social media and described it as a “nonstop” high-intensity tabletop exercise environment. Koo added that the wargames were structured around a scenario that deliberately escalated, beginning with gray-zone harassment tactics and advancing toward full-scale high-intensity military conflict. The minister also said that this yearโ€™s exercise incorporated lessons from recent international conflicts, including multi-domain battlefield dynamics and hybrid threat elements. The inclusion of these lessons reflects Taiwan’s attitude in recognizing that any future conflict in the strait would be fought across conventional, cyber, informational, and electronic domains simultaneously.

One of the most significant aspects of this year’s Han Kuang exercise is its emphasis on command-and-control resilience amid coordinated enemy strikes. Military sources say that the simulation forced administrative units, armament divisions, and joint operational command centers to disperse to separate locations throughout the exercise. This design choice was intended to check that backup command mechanisms could sustain wartime functions even if the primary infrastructure was degraded or destroyed. 

These simulations are part of the lessons that Minister Koo mentioned, as wars in Ukraine and the Middle East have shown that centralized command nodes pose critical vulnerabilities. Taiwanโ€™s MND says survivable and redundant command architecture is not a secondary consideration but a foundational requirement of credible deterrence. Taiwan hopes that by using live exercise conditions, it can demonstrate its seriousness to other countries regarding an approach to defense. 

The live-fire phase of Han Kuang is scheduled for August, and soldiers, as well as commanders, will be looking to translate the lessons of the tabletop environment into operational reality. 

Taiwanโ€™s Ocean Affairs Minister Visits South China Sea Island

On April 23, the minister of Taiwan’s Ocean Affairs Council (OAC), Kuan Bi-ling, visited Itu Aba, also known as Taiping Island, to observe a maritime rescue drill held by representatives from the OAC’s Coast Guard Administration (CGA), as well as Taiwan’s ministries of transportation, defense, health, and foreign affairs.  Itu Aba lies approximately 1,600 kilometers (860 nautical miles) southwest of Kaohsiung and has historically been claimed by China, Vietnam, and the Philippines. Though many nations lay claim to the island, the Taiwanese government has administered it as part of Cijin District, Kaohsiung. This drill consisted mainly of Coast Guard drills, beginning with special forces practicing armed boarding of suspicious cargo ships and escort to the island’s dock. The drill also simulated interactions with a distressed Vietnamese-registered fishing vessel and a cargo ship, where crewmembers were injured, with some falling overboard. For this part, the Coast Guard dispatched a rescue team and unmanned aerial vehicles, while the Ministry of National Defense (MND) deployed a C-130 transport aircraft to evacuate the injured crew members. During this exercise, they also simulated an oil spill, which the OAC claims was contained using temporary floating barriers (containment booms) used to contain hazardous materials on water by encircling the spill to stop it from spreading.

Itu Aba has a runway capable of handling military supply flights and a recently upgraded wharf that can receive large patrol vessels. The 200 inhabitants of the island are mostly coast guard members who train for both security and rescue work. Its location in the South China Sea makes it a strategic outpost for maritime surveillance and control, as well as a key shipping route for international maritime trade. This is the first time in 7 years that a minister of Taiwan’s OAC has visited the island, showing renewed attention to the strategic importance of South China Sea security.

Taiwan President Cancels Eswatini Visit Due to Chinese Pressure

President Lai Ching-te has cancelled a scheduled visit to Eswatini after three African countries withdrew overflight permissions for his aircraft due to pressure from China.

Lai was set to arrive in the kingdom on April 22 for a five-day visit to attend events marking the 40th anniversary of King Mswati III’s accession to the throne and the king’s birthday. The trip was called off after Seychelles, Mauritius, and Madagascar revoked permission for his aircraft to cross their airspace. Pan Meng-an, Secretary-General to the president, attributed the withdrawals to strong pressure from Chinese authorities. China’s Taiwan Affairs Office praised the three nations on April 22, expressing “high appreciation” for their adherence to the “one-China principle.” 

In response, Taiwan dispatched Minister of Foreign Affairs Lin Chia-lung to Eswatini as President Lai’s special envoy. Lin arrived on April 25 and attended the celebration on Taipei’s behalf. During the visit, the minister signed a memorandum of understanding (MOU) with Eswatini’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation Pholile Shakantu on countering disinformation and promoting information integrity. 

The U.S. State Department criticized Beijing’s actions as an abuse of the international civil aviation system and called on China to cease its efforts to intimidate third countries into restricting Taiwan’s freedom of movement. The episode underscores the constant pressure on Taiwan’s already diminished diplomatic standing. Eswatini remains Taiwan’s sole formal ally on the African continent and one of just 12 countries worldwide that still maintain official ties with Taipei.

Taiwanโ€™s Mine Warfare Gap: The Distance Between Concept and Capability

Author: Ethan Connell


Naval mines represent one of the few weapon systems capable of imposing disproportionate costs on an amphibious assault force. In a potential Taiwan contingency, mines could delay Peopleโ€™s Liberation Army (PLA) shipping, channel invasion routes into designated kill zones, deny port access, and compel an attacker to allocate valuable time to mine clearance before initiating troop landings. Given that Taiwanโ€™s survival in a cross-Strait conflict relies on gaining time for mobilization and potential external intervention, mines should occupy a central role in defense planning.

The effectiveness of Taiwanโ€™s mine warfare (MIW) and mine countermeasures (MCM) posture depends on several factors: the number of platforms, delivery methods, survivability in combat, mine quality, and the operational geography and threat environment. When evaluated against these criteria, Taiwan presents a mixed picture. While significant investments in offensive minelaying have occurred since 2020, the MCM fleet remains outdated and insufficient for modern threats; minelayers are slow and lightly armed, and there is no confirmed air-delivered mine capability. The gap between doctrinal ambition and practical wartime capability remains substantial. Rather than exhibiting asymmetric innovation, Taiwanโ€™s MIW and MCM posture illustrates the challenges of translating strategic concepts into a survivable, operational force structure.

The Operational Logic of Mining the Strait

Any PLA amphibious assault would require moving large numbers of troops, vehicles, and supplies across 130 to 220 kilometers of open water. That crossing force must load at embarkation ports, transit the strait, and arrive at a limited set of suitable landing areas on Taiwanโ€™s western coastline. Mines can impose costs at each stage.

Taiwan can mine its own coastal waters, port approaches, and landing beaches to slow or funnel an invasion fleet. Mines laid in the strait or near PLA embarkation points could delay loading operations and force PLA commanders to commit mine countermeasures assets before the crossing begins. The Taiwan Straitโ€™s bathymetry favors mining, with average depths of about 60 meters, the Taiwan Banks (averaging 20 meters) at the southern entrance, and the Changyun Ridge extending westward from Taiwan at around 30 meters depth. These conditions make the strait especially suitable for bottom and moored mines while compressing commercial and military traffic into predictable routes. The entire strait sits on Asiaโ€™s continental shelf, within the operational envelope of all modern mine types.[1]

Three categories of capability matter here: Offensive mining targets the adversaryโ€™s waters and transit routes. Defensive mining protects oneโ€™s own ports, littorals, and landing areas. Mine countermeasures, including the detection, classification, and neutralization of enemy mines, protect oneโ€™s own freedom of movement. Taiwan needs all three, and faces different constraints in each.

Effectiveness in each category relies not only on hardware but also on the supporting operational infrastructure. This includes pre-delegation of authority to conduct mining before hostilities commence, dispersed stockpiles at multiple embarkation points, rehearsed loading and deployment procedures, integration with broader coastal defense plans, and hydrographic preparation of minefields. While it is difficult to determine from open sources whether Taiwan has established this architecture, this uncertainty significantly influences assessments of the subsequent force structure.

Taiwanโ€™s Minelaying Capability

Taiwanโ€™s most notable recent investment is the Min Jiang-class fast minelayer, built by Lung Teh Shipbuilding in Yilan County. These 347-ton vessels are the Republic of China Navyโ€™s (ROCN) first purpose-built minelaying platforms. The ROCN commissioned four hulls in January 2022, assigning them to the 192nd Fleetโ€™s Mine Laying Unit at Zuoying Naval Base in Kaohsiung.[2] In March 2025, Taiwanโ€™s Ministry of National Defense (MND) opened a third tender for six additional vessels, budgeted at NT$1.8 billion (US$54.8 million), after two prior tenders failed to attract the minimum number of bids required under procurement law.[3] If that procurement project succeeds, Taiwan will operate 10 dedicated minelayers by around 2027.

Each Min Jiang-class vessel can carry up to 64 Mk-6 mines, 64 Wan Xiang I conical mines, 36 Wan Xiang I cylindrical mines, 40 Wan Xiang II moored mines, or 32 Wan Xiang II bottom mines.[4] The vessels use an automated mine-laying system developed by the National Chung-Shan Institute of Science and Technology (NCSIST), a significant improvement over the manual methods used on the converted landing craft that served as Taiwanโ€™s improvised minelayers before 2022.

The mine inventory spans two families. The Wan Xiang family, developed by NCSIST, includes influence, moored, and bottom variants. NCSIST has also pursued development of self-propelled mines and new shallow- and deep-water influence types, though open-source confirmation of their operational status is limited.[5] Alongside these indigenous systems, Taiwan maintains stockpiles of the U.S.-designed Mk-6 moored contact mine, a design dating to 1917. The ROCN used Mk-6 mines in training exercises as late as 2024.[6]

Reliable estimates of Taiwanโ€™s total mine stockpile are unavailable in open sources. This issue is significant: even with 10 minelayers, each capable of carrying 32 to 64 mines per sortie, the total number of mines that could be deployed in the initial hours of a conflict depends on the depth of the stockpile, distribution across multiple loading points, and the number of sorties each vessel can complete before suffering losses. 10 minelayers, each conducting two sorties, could deploy between 640 and 1,280 mines, which is notable but not decisive given the straitโ€™s width and the number of potential approaches. Whether Taiwanโ€™s inventory can sustain mining operations beyond the initial wave remains uncertain and carries important operational implications.

Available open-source reporting indicates that Taiwan does not possess a confirmed air-delivered mine capability. Reports from approximately 2018 noted Taipeiโ€™s interest in acquiring U.S. Quickstrike mines, which can be deployed by aircraft at range and glide to their targets; however, this acquisition did not occur.[7] Air-delivered mines offer faster and longer-range deployment compared to ship-based methods and eliminate the need for slow surface platforms to enter contested waters. The absence of this capability constitutes a significant operational gap.

Taiwanโ€™s Mine Countermeasures Fleet

Taiwanโ€™s mine countermeasures posture tells a different story than its investment in minelaying. The ROCNโ€™s MCM fleet consists of four Yung Feng-class minehunters built in Germany by Abeking and Rasmussen in 1991, two Yung Jin-class minehunters (ex-U.S. Navy Osprey-class), and a single remaining Yung Yang-class minesweeper, a former U.S. Navy Aggressive-class vessel whose design dates to the 1950s.[8]

PlatformTypeNumberStatus / Notes
Min Jiang-classFast minelayer4 (+ 6 planned)347 tons; commissioned 2022; 14 kt max; 32โ€“64 mines per sortie
Yung Feng-classMinehunter4German-built (Abeking & Rasmussen), 1991; aging sonar and mechanical sweeping
Yung Jin-classMinehunter2Ex-USN Osprey-class; fiberglass hull; limited against modern mine threats
Yung Yang-classMinesweeper1Ex-USN Aggressive-class; 1950s-era design; wooden hull

These platforms are capable of conducting limited coastal mine clearance under permissive conditions. However, none are equipped to address the full spectrum of modern mine threats, such as rocket-rising mines, smart mines with anti-sweep features, or mines with target discrimination algorithms, all of which the PLA is assessed to possess or be developing.[9]

A failed modernization program compounds the problem. In 2014, the MND awarded a NT$35 billion (about US$1.2 billion) contract to a consortium of Ching Fu Shipbuilding, Lockheed Martin, and Italyโ€™s Intermarine to build six new MCM vessels. In 2017, prosecutors raided Ching Fuโ€™s offices. The companyโ€™s chairman was charged with forgery and loan fraud. The contract collapsed.[10] No replacement program has been announced. Taiwanโ€™s MCM fleet has been frozen in time for over a decade, with no confirmed path to modernization.

Operational Constraints and Wartime Viability

Despite Taiwanโ€™s investments, operational constraints significantly limit the potential effectiveness of its mine warfare forces in combat. These constraints differ between minelaying and mine clearance, but both are fundamentally shaped by the disparity between theoretical platform capabilities and their survivability under PLA attack.

The Min Jiang-class maxes out at 14 knots. That speed cannot outrun any modern combatant, anti-ship missile, or armed helicopter. For self-defense, the vessels carry a single T-75 20mm autocannon and two 7.62mm machine guns, with negligible protection against PLA anti-ship cruise missiles. A Beaufort 3 sea-state limitation on the class restricts operations to calm weather, meaning rougher conditions could prevent the vessels from laying mines when needed most or confine them to predictable windows that the PLA could monitor and target. Minelaying also demands that ships follow predetermined tracks at consistent, low speeds, turning them into predictable targets.[11]

PLA intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) capabilities compound these problems. Chinaโ€™s ISR satellite constellation exceeded 359 systems as of early 2024, triple that of 2018, covering electro-optical, synthetic aperture radar, and signals intelligence. PLA aircraft conducted over 3,600 flights into Taiwanโ€™s air defense identification zone in 2024.[12] Under these conditions, minelayers departing Zuoying would face a high probability of detection and tracking, particularly in the pre-conflict period when PLA surveillance is already at elevated levels. Whether continuous tracking would persist amid the fog and friction of active combat is less certain, but the vulnerability in peacetime and the crisis phase is clear.

This presents a timing problem with no clear answer. Mines work best when laid before hostilities begin or in the first hours of a conflict.[13] Pre-war mining of international waters, however, would be politically provocative and could accelerate escalation. Waiting until conflict starts risks PLA missile strikes suppressing minelayers before they finish their runs. Taiwanโ€™s Overall Defense Concept envisions minelaying during a crisis or mobilization phase, but whether Taiwanese political leadership would authorize mining before the first shots are fired, and whether the operational architecture for rapid, pre-delegated deployment exists, remain open questions.[14]

Mine warfare effectiveness in this context is influenced by more than the number of dedicated platforms. Factors such as air superiority over the strait, missile suppression of embarkation areas, hydrographic knowledge of planned minefields, availability of pre-surveyed mine positions, and external assistance from partners all affect the number of mines deployed and their operational impact. Taiwanโ€™s minelaying capacity should be assessed as part of an integrated coastal defense architecture, recognizing that other components of this system also face significant constraints.

On the minelaying side, even a small number of mines laid in the strait or near PLA embarkation points could impose real costs: PLA commanders would have to commit MCM assets, delaying the crossing timeline and introducing uncertainty into an operation that demands precise coordination. The psychological burden of mines is well-documented: the suspicion of a minefield, even an unconfirmed one, can halt or reroute naval operations for days.

However, Taiwanโ€™s capacity to realize this potential under combat conditions is limited. With four operational minelayers (potentially 10 by 2027), each with a maximum speed of 14 knots and minimal self-defense capabilities, and operating under intense surveillance in the Western Pacific, the likelihood of successfully conducting large-scale mining operations after hostilities commence is low. The absence of air-delivered mines further deprives Taiwan of the most survivable and responsive means of delivery.

The imbalance is even more pronounced regarding mine countermeasures. Mine clearance is inherently slow, hazardous, and resource-intensive. Taiwanโ€™s current MCM fleet is insufficient for the scale of the threat. Should the PLA mine Kaohsiung, which manages over 60 percent of Taiwanโ€™s cargo trade, the islandโ€™s capacity to sustain itself during a blockade or invasion would rely on mine clearance capabilities that are presently inadequate to meet the challenge.[15]

The MCM problem runs in the opposite direction from minelaying. The PLA holds an estimated 50,000 to 100,000 naval mines and can deliver them by submarine, aircraft, surface ship, or, conceivably, civilian vessel.[16] If the PLA mines Taiwanโ€™s port approaches before or during an assault, Taiwanโ€™s aging MCM fleet would be overwhelmed. The PLA can seed Taiwanโ€™s ports with mines far faster than Taiwan can clear them.

The PLAโ€™s Own Mine Clearance Problem

The discussion so far has treated the PLA primarily as a mine-laying actor and an ISR threat. But an amphibious crossing of the Taiwan Strait would also require the PLA to clear mines from its own approach routes: either mines laid defensively by the ROCN in coastal waters and around landing beaches, or mines laid by the PLAN itself to deny port access or deter outside involvement. This is not a trivial requirement to overcome.

The PLA Navy (PLAN) operates a fleet of Type 082 (Wozang-class) and Type 081 (T-43-class) minesweepers, supplemented by newer Type 082-II MCM vessels. Open-source assessments suggest the PLAN has roughly 24โ€“36 dedicated MCM platforms, a modest number relative to the scale of an amphibious operation across a strait that could be mined at multiple points.[17][18] The PLAN has invested in unmanned mine-clearance systems and towed sweeping gear, but whether these assets could clear defended minefields under fire, while Taiwanโ€™s anti-ship missiles, shore-based artillery, and surviving naval units remain in play, is far from certain.

This reciprocal vulnerability is analytically significant. While Taiwanโ€™s mine warfare gap is genuine, the PLA also faces substantial MCM constraints. If Taiwan succeeds in deploying even a moderate number of mines in critical locations before or during the initial phase of conflict, the PLAโ€™s limited MCM capacity could create a bottleneck in the amphibious operation timeline. Thus, the mine warfare balance reflects not only Taiwanโ€™s limitations but also the mutual clearance challenges faced by both sides.

Mine Warfare in the Broader Force Design Debate

Taiwanโ€™s mine warfare posture aligns with the broader argument for asymmetric defense. The ODC, formulated by former Chief of the General Staff Admiral Lee Hsi-min, places mines among the key littoral and beach defense capabilities alongside anti-ship cruise missiles and mobile coastal defense systems.[19] President Lai Ching-te personally inspected a live mine-laying drill during the Han Kuang 41 exercise in July 2025, signaling political commitment.[20]

However, political commitment does not necessarily translate into operational capability. Several critical questions remain unresolved in open-source analysis. Is the mine inventory sufficient in both quantity and sophistication to impose a meaningful delay on a PLA crossing force, or does it serve primarily as a symbolic deterrent? Has Taiwan developed the necessary doctrine, training, and operational infrastructure to employ mines effectively under wartime conditions, including pre-delegation of authority, pre-positioned stocks at dispersed locations, protected embarkation points, and rehearsed rapid-deployment procedures? Furthermore, does the MCM gap represent a strategic vulnerability that cannot be mitigated solely through increased investment in minelaying?

Regarding the final point, available open-source evidence strongly supports this concern. If Taiwan is unable to keep its own ports operational, the denial strategy becomes untenable. A navy capable of mining adversary approaches but unable to clear mines from its own harbors faces a significant strategic asymmetry. While this conclusion is not definitive (classified programs or undisclosed procurement efforts may exist), the publicly observable MCM posture does not inspire confidence.

Taiwan has made modest investments in minelaying capabilities while permitting its mine clearance capacity to decline. Although offensive mining is more cost-effective within a denial strategy and thus defensible in theory, this approach leaves Taiwan vulnerable to a PLA mining campaign with limited options for remediation.

The failed Ching Fu procurement remains a significant setback. The collapse of a billion-dollar program due to fraud, with no replacement in the subsequent nine years, exemplifies the institutional obstacles that can prevent well-designed defense strategies from being implemented.[21]

Implications

Taiwanโ€™s mine warfare posture offers three findings for analysts and policymakers.

First, Taiwanโ€™s leaders have grasped the value of asymmetric, cost-imposing tools and have acted on that understanding in the minelaying domain. The Min Jiang-class program, the Wan Xiang mine family, and the planned expansion to ten vessels represent a deliberate effort to build a capability that did not exist a decade ago. This is a modest but real achievement.

Second, developing a capability that is both survivable and operationally executable is considerably more challenging than simply recognizing its strategic value. Taiwanโ€™s minelayers are slow and lightly armed, operating in an environment characterized by pervasive PLA ISR. The absence of air-delivered mines persists. The issue of when political leaders would authorize mining operations remains unresolved and has not been publicly addressed. Mine warfare effectiveness is determined by multiple factors beyond platforms, including air superiority, pre-positioned stockpiles, hydrographic preparation, and doctrinal readiness, all of which influence whether the capability can be employed effectively at the outset of a conflict.

Third, the gap in mine countermeasures is the most revealing indicator of Taiwanโ€™s procurement challenges. For the United States and other partners, this suggests the need for targeted actions such as capability transfers, technology sharing, and joint planning in the mine warfare domain, which may be as important as platform sales. Unmanned MCM systems, an area where Taiwanโ€™s domestic defense industry has not succeeded, represent a clear opportunity for collaboration. The stalled Quickstrike transfer warrants renewed focus, and joint exercises should rigorously test mine warfare scenarios.

For analysts evaluating Taiwanโ€™s defense preparedness, the mine warfare gap serves as a clear test case. The credibility of any strategy depends on the existence of a deployable force structure to support it. In Taiwanโ€™s situation, the persistent gap between strategic concepts and actual capabilities, between the vision of the Overall Defense Concept and the fleet available to implement it, remains the central challenge.


[1]Taiwan Strait geographic parametersโ€”width, depth, and bathymetric featuresโ€”are drawn from โ€œTaiwan Strait,โ€ Encyclopedia Britannica, and U.S. National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency, Sailing Directions (Enroute), Publication 157.

https://www.britannica.com/place/Taiwan-Strait

https://msi.nga.mil/Publications/SDEnroute

[2] Taiwanโ€™s Ministry of National Defense commissioned the first four Min Jiang-class minelayers on January 14, 2022, assigning them to the 192nd Fleetโ€™s Mine Laying Unit at Zuoying Naval Base. See Mike Yeo, โ€œTaiwan Adds Minelaying to Defenses Against China,โ€ Defense News, January 14, 2022.                                       

https://www.defensenews.com/naval/2022/01/14/taiwan-adds-minelaying-to-defenses-against-china

[3] The March 2025 tender for six additional Min Jiang-class vessels, budgeted at NT$1.8 billion, was the third attempt after two prior tenders failed to attract sufficient bids. See โ€œTaiwan Seeks Contractor for Six Minelayers,โ€ The Defense Post, March 6, 2025.

https://thedefensepost.com/2025/03/06/taiwan-contractor-six-minelayers

[4] Min Jiang-class specifications, including displacement, speed, mine capacity, and armament, are drawn from publicly available technical data. See โ€œTaiwan Seeks Contractor for Six Minelayers,โ€ The Defense Post, March 6, 2025; and Republic of China Ministry of National Defense, ROC National Defense Report, 2023.

https://www.ustaiwandefense.com/taiwan-ministry-of-national-defense-mnd-reports/

[5] Taiwanโ€™s Wan Xiang mine family was developed by the National Chung-Shan Institute of Science and Technology (NCSIST). Open-source reporting on self-propelled mine development appears in the 2023 ROC National Defense Report. Confirmation of operational deployment of advanced variants remains limited.

https://www.ustaiwandefense.com/taiwan-ministry-of-national-defense-mnd-reports/

[6] Taiwan continues to train with the Mk-6 Mod 14 moored contact mine, a design dating to 1917. See Tyler Rogoway, โ€œTaiwan Trains to Use Naval Mines Designed Over a Century Ago Against China,โ€ The War Zone, 2024.

https://www.twz.com/taiwan-trains-to-use-naval-mines-designed-a-century-ago-against-china

[7] Reports of Taiwanโ€™s interest in U.S. Quickstrike air-delivered mines circa 2018, and the failure of that acquisition, appear in Blake Herzinger, โ€œDelay, Disrupt, Degrade: Mine Warfare in Taiwanโ€™s Porcupine Defense,โ€ War on the Rocks.

https://warontherocks.com/delay-disrupt-degrade-mine-warfare-in-taiwans-porcupine-defense

[8] Taiwanโ€™s MCM fleet compositionโ€”four Yung Feng-class (German-built, 1991), two Yung Jin-class (ex-USN Osprey-class), and one remaining Yung Yang-class (ex-USN Aggressive-class)โ€”is documented in International Institute for Strategic Studies, The Military Balance 2025 (London: IISS, 2025); and Janeโ€™s Fighting Ships 2024โ€“2025.

https://www.iiss.org/publications/the-military-balance/2025/the-military-balance-2025

[9] PLA mine types, including the EM-52 rocket-rising mine, EM-53 bottom influence mine, and EM-55 mobile mine, are cataloged in Office of Naval Intelligence, The PLA Navy: New Capabilities and Missions for the 21st Century (2015); and in the Naval War Collegeโ€™s China Maritime Studies Institute publications. PLA MCM platforms are assessed in The Military Balance 2025 by IISS.

https://news.usni.org/2015/04/09/document-office-of-naval-intelligence-2015-assessment-of-chinese-peoples-liberation-army-navy

https://nuke.fas.org/guide/china/plan-2015.pdf

[10] The Ching Fu Shipbuilding scandal, involving an NT$35 billion MCM contract awarded in 2014 that collapsed by 2017 amid fraud charges, is documented in โ€œTaiwan to Build Six New MCM Ships with U.S., Italian Help,โ€ USNI News, November 3, 2014; and subsequent Taipei Times reporting, 2017.

https://news.usni.org/2014/11/03/taiwan-build-six-new-mcm-ships-u-s-italian-help-china-displeased

https://globaltaiwan.org/2017/11/crux-of-ching-fus-case-concerns-china/

https://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2019/09/29/200372310

[11] Min Jiang-class specifications, including displacement, speed, mine capacity, and armament, are drawn from publicly available technical data. See โ€œTaiwan Seeks Contractor for Six Minelayers,โ€ The Defense Post, March 6, 2025; and Republic of China Ministry of National Defense, ROC National Defense Report, 2023.

https://www.ustaiwandefense.com/taiwan-ministry-of-national-defense-mnd-reports/

[12] Chinaโ€™s ISR satellite constellation exceeded 359 systems as of January 2024. PLA aircraft conducted 3,615 flights into Taiwanโ€™s ADIZ in 2024. See โ€œAll Quiet in the Taiwan Strait? Explaining the Recent Drop in PLA Aircraft Activity Around Taiwan,โ€ Taiwan Security Monitor, and U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, 2024 Annual Report to Congress.https://tsm.schar.gmu.edu/all-quiet-in-the-taiwan-strait-explaining-the-recent-drop-in-pla-aircraft-activity-around-taiwan

https://www.uscc.gov/annual-report/2024-annual-report-congress

https://www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/2024-03/J.Michael_Dahm_Testimony.pdf

[13] Joint Chiefs of Staff, Joint Publication 3-15: Barriers, Obstacles, and Mine Warfare for Joint Operations (Washington, DC: Joint Chiefs of Staff, September 6, 2016; validated March 5, 2018), https://www.bits.de/NRANEU/others/jp-doctrine/jp3_15pa%282018%29.pdf

[14] The Overall Defense Concept (ODC), formulated by former Chief of the General Staff Admiral Lee Hsi-min, envisions mines as a key capability for littoral defense. See Lee Hsi-min and Eric Lee, โ€œTaiwanโ€™s Overall Defense Concept, Explained,โ€ The Diplomat, November 3, 2020.

https://thediplomat.com/2020/11/taiwans-overall-defense-concept-explained

[15] Kaohsiung handles over 60 percent of Taiwanโ€™s cargo throughput. About 44 percent of the worldโ€™s container fleet transits the Taiwan Strait each year. See Bureau of Transportation and Communications, Taiwan Statistical Yearbook 2024; and Bloomberg, โ€œTaiwan Strait Shipping Traffic Analysis,โ€ 2024.

https://www.usni.org/magazines/proceedings/2023/november/taiwan-strait-oceans-most-contested-place https://www.statista.com/statistics/1045142/container-throughput-volume-in-kaohsiung-port-taiwan/

[16] Chinaโ€™s naval mine inventory is estimated at 50,000 to 100,000 mines comprising over 30 varieties. See Andrew S. Erickson, Lyle J. Goldstein, and William S. Murray, Chinese Mine Warfare: A PLA Navy โ€œAssassinโ€™s Maceโ€ Capability, China Maritime Studies Institute, U.S. Naval War College, 2009. The estimate has been widely cited in subsequent assessments, including the U.S. Department of Defense, Military and Security Developments Involving the Peopleโ€™s Republic of China, annual reports.

https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/cmsi-red-books/7

[17] Chinaโ€™s naval mine inventory is estimated at 50,000 to 100,000 mines comprising over 30 varieties. See Andrew S. Erickson, Lyle J. Goldstein, and William S. Murray, Chinese Mine Warfare: A PLA Navy โ€œAssassinโ€™s Maceโ€ Capability, China Maritime Studies Institute, U.S. Naval War College, 2009. The estimate has been widely cited in subsequent assessments, including the U.S. Department of Defense, Military and Security Developments Involving the Peopleโ€™s Republic of China, annual reports.

https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/cmsi-red-books/7

[18] PLA mine types, including the EM-52 rocket-rising mine, EM-53 bottom influence mine, and EM-55 mobile mine, are cataloged in Office of Naval Intelligence, The PLA Navy: New Capabilities and Missions for the 21st Century (2015); and in the Naval War Collegeโ€™s China Maritime Studies Institute publications. PLA MCM platforms are assessed in The Military Balance 2025 by IISS.

https://news.usni.org/2015/04/09/document-office-of-naval-intelligence-2015-assessment-of-chinese-peoples-liberation-army-navy

https://nuke.fas.org/guide/china/plan-2015.pdf

[19] The Overall Defense Concept (ODC), formulated by former Chief of the General Staff Admiral Lee Hsi-min, envisions mines as a key capability for littoral defense. See Lee Hsi-min and Eric Lee, โ€œTaiwanโ€™s Overall Defense Concept, Explained,โ€ The Diplomat, November 3, 2020.

https://thediplomat.com/2020/11/taiwans-overall-defense-concept-explained

[20] President Lai Ching-te inspected a live mine-laying drill during the Han Kuang 41 exercise in July 2025. See โ€œLai Inspects Mine Drill,โ€ Focus Taiwan, July 14, 2025.

https://focustaiwan.tw/politics/202507140021

[21] The Ching Fu Shipbuilding scandal, involving an NT$35 billion MCM contract awarded in 2014 that collapsed by 2017 amid fraud charges, is documented in โ€œTaiwan to Build Six New MCM Ships with U.S., Italian Help,โ€ USNI News, November 3, 2014; and subsequent Taipei Times reporting, 2017.

https://news.usni.org/2014/11/03/taiwan-build-six-new-mcm-ships-u-s-italian-help-china-displeased

https://globaltaiwan.org/2017/11/crux-of-ching-fus-case-concerns-china/

https://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2019/09/29/200372310

Weekly Security Review: 4/20/26

Authors: Jaime Ocon & Danielle Kremer


Welcome to the Weekly Security Review, where we highlight key military, security, and political developments around Taiwan in one straightforward summary!

This week, Taipei holds civil defense drills, Chinaโ€™s Liaoning passes through the Taiwan Strait, and Japan sends a destroyer through the strait ahead of Balikatan. 

Taiwan Holds Civil Defense Drills Alongside Computerized Han Kuang Exercise

Taiwan recently held a civil defense drill aimed at improving the islandโ€™s broader wartime preparedness. The drill, which was conducted alongside the Han Kuang 42 computer-simulated wargames, was the first ever run by the governmentโ€™s Central Joint Emergency Operations Center. Officials say that the drill was designed to test how different departments would coordinate during a crisis, with the aim of improving emergency response and command-system performance. The exercises were observed by American Institute in Taiwan (AIT) Director Raymond Greene, Interior Minister Liu Shyh-fang, and National Security Council Deputy Secretary-General Lin Fei-fan. All three officials underscored the importance of a whole-of-society resilience, with Greene adding that this was โ€œa significant step forwardโ€ for Taiwanโ€™s resilience efforts. Taiwanโ€™s national security officials have said the exercises are meant to unify central and local government, civilian forces, hospitals, shelters, transport systems, and communications networks.  The civil defense drills will end on Tuesday, April 21. 

The urban resilience exercises come as Taiwan is in the middle of computer-simulated wargames, and as it prepares for live-fire drills in July and August. Observers at the civil defense drill say Taiwan is no longer treating civil defense as a separate or symbolic effort, but as a core part of deterrence and wartime endurance. Many lawmakers from the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) have tried to shape civil defense reforms to be seen not only as domestic policy, but as part of a wider effort to convince outsiders that the island can absorb pressure and continue functioning under threat.

Earlier last week, the South China Morning Post ran a story criticizing Taiwanโ€™s civil defense preparedness, citing scholars who say Taiwan is lagging behind in its military modernization. They say recent wargames held at National Chengchi University show this widening โ€œresilience gapโ€ could lead to public panic during a crisis. The simulation modelled a scenario in 2030 where global alliances shift, and Taiwan faces severe energy and social disruptions from a potential Chinese blockade. Results from the two-day event show Taiwan has focused heavily on military hardware but neglected social and critical infrastructure resilience, calling existing drills like the annual Wan An air raid exercise โ€œtoo romanticโ€ and fragmented for real threats. 

Chinaโ€™s Liaoning Aircraft Passes Through Taiwan Strait

Chinaโ€™s Liaoning aircraft carrier (CV-16) passed through the Taiwan Strait on April 20, according to Taiwanโ€™s Ministry of National Defense (MND). The MND said it monitored the ship closely throughout the transit and released an image showing carrier-based fighters and helicopters on the flight deck. Officials and local media are emphasizing the visibility of the carrierโ€™s full air wing as a sign of normalized activity. 

At the same time, in a statement, Chinaโ€™s Eastern Theater Command said one of its carrier groups had sailed from waters near the Ryukyu Islands into the western Pacific for training and drills. Chinese military officials say the drills are meant to test long-range combat capabilities. 

Taiwanese commentators say the Liaoningโ€™s transit is especially notable because it comes amid intensified Chinese military activity around Taiwan and broader efforts to normalize PLA Navy operations in contested areas. They are highlighting a concerning trend where China feels more comfortable moving high-value naval assets through one of the regionโ€™s most sensitive waterways. 

Japan Sends Destroyer Through Taiwan Strait Ahead of Balikatan Drills

Japanโ€™s destroyer JS Ikazuchi (DD-107) transited the Taiwan Strait on April 17, drawing sharp criticism from China as a โ€œdeliberate provocationโ€. Beijing is specifically upset about the timing of the transit, as it falls on the anniversary of the 1895 Treaty of Shimonoseki that ceded Taiwan to Japan. The nearly 14-hour passage is seen to many in Taipei as a signal of Tokyoโ€™s growing willingness to assert freedom of navigation and link Taiwan Strait security to wider regional concerns. Despite Beijing stepping up patrols and coercion, partners like the United States and the Philippines are seeing Japanโ€™s latest move as an optimistic sign that it is willing to do more in contested waters.

The transit falls on the same week as Japan joins the U.S.-Philippines Balikatan exercise for the first time as a full participant. The Japan Self-Defense Force has deployed the Ikazuchi, helicopter destroyer JS Ise, transport ship JS Shimokita, Type 88 anti-ship missiles, and over 1,400 troops to northern Luzon, a strategic hotspot near Taiwan. The three-week drill, running April 20 to May 8, focuses on maritime security, coastal defense, amphibious operations, and integrated fires. Officials at the opening ceremony of Balikatan say this yearโ€™s drill highlights deepened trilateral alignment to counter threats across the South China Sea and Taiwan Strait.

Weekly Security Review: 4/16/26

Authors: Jaime Ocon & Danielle Kremer


Welcome to the Weekly Security Review, where we highlight key military, security, and political developments around Taiwan in one straightforward summary!

This week, Taiwanโ€™s opposition leader lays out a path for more cooperation with China, Taiwanese intelligence points to a surge in Chinese ships in the region, and Taiwanโ€™s Army conducts live fire drills with special forces. 

Taiwanโ€™s Opposition Chairwoman Meets with Chinese President Xi, Pledges Closer Cooperation

Opposition Kuomintang (KMT) Chairwoman, Cheng Li-wun, wrapped up a visit to China, where she met with Chinese President Xi Jinping and called for expanded exchanges between Taiwan and the mainland. Cheng later announced a set of 10 proposals she said were aimed at strengthening ties. Some of those proposals include resuming individual travel by residents of Shanghai and Fujian Province to Taiwan, gradually moving towards “full normalization” of direct cross-strait passenger flights. 

Chinese state media says the meeting highlighted Beijingโ€™s efforts to maintain cross-strait communication despite rising tensions. While the meeting was brief, Xi used Chengโ€™s visit to repeat Chinaโ€™s position that any improvement in relations must be tied to opposition for Taiwan independence. Cheng told the media that she presented dialogue and practical exchanges as the best way to reduce friction and avoid further escalation.

This visit was notable because it underscored the KMTโ€™s willingness to engage Beijing directly at a time when official cross-strait channels remain strained. The last time a sitting KMT chair visited China was back in 2016, when Hung Hsiu-chu made the trip. The recent trip also gave China an opportunity to showcase a Taiwanese opposition leader willing to speak publicly about expanding ties. Initial polling showed the majority of the Taiwanese public thought the trip would do โ€œmore harm than good,โ€ but it is yet to be seen how the trip will affect the upcoming local election in the fall. 

Taiwanโ€™s Army, Special Forces Conduct Annual Live-fire Drills in Pingtung

On April 6th, Taiwan’s 602nd Army Aviation and Special Forces Command Brigade conducted their annual โ€œJoint Bravery Exerciseโ€ in Pingtung alongside the Taiwanese Armyโ€™s 234th Combined Arms Brigade. Said exercises are meant to adhere to the principle of “combat-oriented” training,  allowing officers and soldiers to hone their combat skills in real battlefield conditions through intensive drills. Air Force helicopter exercises began early in the morning on the 6th, with maintenance and equipment checks alongside ammunition retrievals of 20mm ammunition and 2.75-inch Poseidon rockets, from weapons crews. Once the preparation was complete, the pilots received orders to start their helicopters and took off to commence said live-fire exercises.

Alongside these helicopter tests, the joint forces conducted live-fire drills on the ground in coordination with infantry and armored units. In this exercise, units  focused on firepower coordination and capturing positions. To do this, they deployed with multiple heavy artillery pieces, including but not limited to 105mm tank guns and 120mm mortars. With the success of the first stage, the drill intensified. Attack helicopters were deployed to provide air support by executing low-altitude strikes simulating assaults on enemy positions. In doing so, the joint forces created a three-dimensional combat network, which they claim is a fully integrated air-ground battlefield system capable of coordinated multi-domain operations.

While these exercises were on a 24-hour schedule, a representative of the Army stated that the exercise was designed to begin with night combat, simulating how enemy defenses weaken, and outer positions are destroyed, allowing the main force to launch a daytime counterattack with ease. According to multiple reports, the Taiwanese military and MNDofficials called the exercise a success and plan to expand similar joint training exercises to further enhance combat readiness. The exercise ended on April 8th.

Taiwanese Intelligence Officials Concerned Over Uptick in Chinese Military Activity 

As of April 10th, Taiwanese officials are monitoring naval and military activity in the strait. According to Reuters, โ€œChina has deployed nearly 100 naval and coast guard vessels in and around the South and East China Seas this week.โ€ This raises security concerns for Taiwan, as China typically deploys only 50-60 vessels in that region, and heightened naval activity at this time of year is quite rare. They also reported seven Chinese military aircraft operating in Taiwanese airspace. Taiwanese officials are still monitoring this increase in military activity in the South and East China Seas.  

In a Facebook post by Minister of the Ocean Affairs Council Kuan Bi-ling, a โ€œsea situation mapโ€ was shared, sparking debate over the possible disclosure of classified information. The image clearly shows the locations of six Chinese warships and two coast guard vessels around Taiwan. They also mention that the Taiwanese Coast Guard can determine and track PLA naval vessels by type and hull number. Off the western coast of Taiwan, it was reported that they have identified a Type 052D multi-functional destroyer equipped with phased-array radar and missile systems, a Type 815 electronic reconnaissance ship designed to intercept Taiwanese signals at close range, and a Type 054A guided missile frigate with balanced air defense, anti-ship, and anti-submarine capabilities. On the cross-strait, two People’s Liberation Army (PLA) Coast Guard ships have been detected and confirmed to be Type 818 coast guard cutters. They have also found a Type 054A guided missile frigate, which is said to be specifically designed for anti-submarine warfare.

The use of naval vessels to intimidate and encircle Taiwan is Beijing’s “dual-track approach of military pressure and political exchanges.โ€  The use of this tactic aims to maintain sustained coercive pressure on Taiwan while signaling openness to political engagement, thereby weakening Taiwan’s deterrence and influencing decision-making. According to sources, Beijing does not plan to withdraw the air and sea blockade. 

Lingโ€™s Facebook post added that “Because the leader of the main opposition party is planning to meet with Chinese leadership … it is necessary to appropriately disclose to the public and the international community the situation of China’s harassment in our waters, so that our people are informed and understand the serious implications.”.

Architecture Over Arsenal: What Link-22 Would Mean for Taiwanโ€™s Defenseย 

Author: Shikhar Chaturvedi & Kiran Khalifaย 

Testing the Network: Taiwanโ€™s Command-and-Control Challengeย 

During the โ€œJoint Swordโ€ exercises in late 2024, the Peopleโ€™s Liberation Army (PLA) tested Taiwanโ€™s ability to maintain command and control (C2) under a total blockade. Modern Militariesโ€™ C2 architecture relies on Tactical Data Links (TDLs) to allow radars, aircraft, ships, and missile units to share information and coordinate action in real time. The drills highlighted a key weakness in Taiwanโ€™s aging C2 architecture and current TDLs. Taiwanโ€™s Syun An Link-16 & Link-11 remain largely horizon-limited in a battlespace that would not be. Since then, amid continued pressure such as โ€œJustice Mission-2025โ€ and the ever-present risk of communications paralysis in a crisis, Taiwan has begun a quiet but consequential shift in how it approaches defense. 

(Source: TSM, Exercise zones from the post-2022 Pelosi visit to Justice Mission 2025) 

At the center of that shift is Link-22, a NATO-developed tactical data link (TDL) designed to function as the connective tissue of a modern force. It allows ships, aircraft, and ground units to exchange information across greater distances and under degraded conditions. While the procurement of fighter jets and tanks dominates headlines, their effectiveness is determined by whether those platforms can see, talk, and coordinate under stress. Link-22โ€™s secure, Beyond Line-of-Sight (BLOS) architecture is meant to keep that network alive, linking the โ€œbrainโ€ of Taiwanโ€™s C6ISR (Command, Control, Communications, Computers, Cyber, Combat Systems, Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance) with the missile batteries and naval assets that would execute a response. As Taiwan advances its US$40 billion special defense proposal, stands on the cusp of a new U.S. security package, and continues work on projects like โ€œT-Dome,โ€ the potential inclusion of Link-22 underscores a broader shift toward decentralized, multi-domain defense.  

While Taiwan has not formally adopted Link-22, recent U.S. planning support for tactical data link upgrades suggests that Washington and Taipei may be laying the groundwork for a future transition. If eventually funded and fielded, Link-22 will complement Taiwanโ€™s broader T-Dome defense initiative, blunt Chinaโ€™s ability to disrupt command-and-control, and signal deeper U.S.โ€“Taiwan and coalition-oriented interoperability. 

The Architecture of Resilience: The Link-22 Edgeย 

Tactical data links (TDLs) are a key enabler for modern military organizations/operations. They create a secure, high-speed network that allows warships, aircraft, and ground units to automatically exchange real-time radar data, targeting coordinates, and identification information. By feeding sensor data from every participant into a unified network, TDLs create a Common Operational Picture. This shared operational picture can significantly improve situational awareness across the battlespace, but in practice, it remains complex, bandwidth-constrained, and dependent on operator training and system integration. 

Link-22 represents the latest evolution of this technology, developed under the NATO Improved Link Eleven program. Formed by a consortium of seven nations (the U.S., UK, France, Germany, Italy, Canada, and Spain), the system was engineered to overcome the obsolescence of the 1950s-era Link-11 while complementing the widely used Link-16. Its operational maturity was underscored during 2024โ€™s Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) naval exercise, where it successfully connected ten diverse platforms from seven nations; today, 26 countries have adopted the technology.  

(Source: NATO Improved Link Eleven Project Management Office) 

Beyond the Horizon: The Three Strategic Breakthroughs of Link-22ย 

For Taiwan, the transition to Link-22 provides three operational / tactical advances:  

(1.) โ€œBeyond-Horizon Connectivityโ€ Without Satellites: Standard Link-16 systems rely on Ultra High Frequency (UHF) radio bands, which transmit primarily along line-of-sight paths. Because UHF signals travel in straight lines and are limited by the curvature of the Earth, ship-to-ship communication is typically restricted to roughly 25 to 35 nautical miles without relays. Link-22 adds a powerful High Frequency (HF) band, which reflects off the ionosphere and enables secure data transfers across distances exceeding 1,000 nautical miles. Crucially, this provides Beyond Line-of-Sight (BLOS) coordination without relying on satellites. In a conflict where space-based communications are jammed or disabled, Link-22 helps ensure that Taiwanโ€™s forces remain connected across the Strait and the wider Western Pacific. 

(Source: TSM, Kiran Khalifa & Shikhar Chaturvedi) 

 
Link-22 Comparison with Legacy Architecture 

Feature Link 11 Link 16 Link 22 
Frequency UF / UHF UHF (960-1215 MHz)  HF and UHF 
Range 300-1000 NM (HF) 25-35 NM (ship to ship)  Up to 1,000 NM 
Single point of failure Yes No No 
Data rate 1,090 bps (HF) Up to 107,520 bps 4,053 bps (HF) / 12,666 (UHF)  
Jam resistance Poor Strong Strong (dual-band hopping, ECCM)  
Max participants 61 125+ 125 per Super Network 
Link 16 compatibility  None  Full  

Source: Comparison adapted from ROC Naval Academic Bimonthly; Northrop Grumman Link 22 System Guidebook, 4th Edition. 

(2.) Decentralized Survivability: The legacy Link-11 architecture relied on a controlling station which, if disabled or destroyed, would cause the entire network to collapse. Link-22 replaces this structure with a decentralized architecture built around Dynamic Time Division Multiple Access (DTDMA). The DTDMA system allows communication across the network without relying on a single controller, eliminating a central point of failure. If a participant of the DTDMA system is lost to a strike, the network automatically reconfigures through the remaining participants, allowing information to continue flowing even under sustained attack. 

(Source: TSM, Shikhar Chaturvedi & Kiran Khalifa) 

(3.) Seamless Architectural Integration: Link-22 was designed to function as an extension of existing networks rather than a total replacement. It shares compatible message standards with Link-16, creating what operators describe as a โ€œnetwork of networks.โ€ For Taiwanโ€™s military, this allows Link-22 to plug directly into the Link-11’s legacy architecture. Its integration enhances battlefield intelligence sharing without requiring a wholesale replacement of Taiwanโ€™s existing hardware infrastructure. 

(Source: NILE, Link 22 System with NILE Communication Equipment) 

ย 

Understanding these Strategic Breakthroughs

ย ย 
Onย February 2024ย the State Department approved a US$75 million sale for โ€œAdvanced Tactical Data Link System Upgrade Planningโ€ย to Taiwan, providing the essentialย frameworkย required to bridge critical gaps in Taiwanโ€™s aging Syun An (Link-16) system. This structural groundwork was accelerated inย December 2024 by a US$265 million saleย of 309 Multifunctional Information Distribution System Joint Tactical Radio System (MIDS JTRS) Variant 5 terminals.ย These high-assurance hardware components ensure theย secure flow of tactical informationย across Taiwanโ€™s Patriot batteries, F-16 Block 20 jets, and E-2K platforms.ย ย 

A future Link-22 transfer would also carry political significance. More than a routine sustainment package, it would suggest deeper U.S. support for Taiwanโ€™s transition toward a more resilient and interoperable command-and-control architecture. Because Link-22 is a NATO-exclusive technology, U.S. assistance in its transfer effectively solidifies Taiwanโ€™s status as a โ€œquasi-major non-NATO allyโ€ extending Taiwan’s defense beyond a bilateral U.S. agreement. 

Yet the strategic value of Link-22 should not be overstated. Its benefits depend on the survival of the platforms and nodes carrying it, including ships,ย aircraft, and air-defense systems that wouldย likely beย priority targets in the opening phase of a cross-Strait conflict. In that sense, Link-22 does notย eliminateย Taiwanโ€™s vulnerability so much as reduce the risk of communications collapse among the forces thatย remain. It also raises a broader strategic tradeoff: strengthening a network built around high-end platforms improves resilience and coalition interoperability, but it does not by itself resolve the larger debate over whether Taiwan should continue investing in systems tied to conventional naval and air operations rather than pushing further toward a more asymmetric force design.ย 
ย 

Networking and Deterrence:ย Link-22 in PLA Calculusย 

Chinaโ€™s reaction to Taiwanโ€™s data link modernization has differed noticeably from its routine objections to conventional arms sales. When PLA-affiliated commentators and Chinese officials responded to reporting on a potential Link-22 transfer, the focus was not on individual hardware platforms but on โ€œstructural integrationโ€. Chinese military expert Song Zhongping argued in the Global Times that while sales of 76 mm autocannons and Link-11 upgrades only serve to “sustain” existing combat capabilities, acquiring Link-22 crosses a strategic threshold by placing Taiwan โ€œunder the U.S. combat command structure.โ€ A March 2024 Tencent News analysis went further, labeling it โ€œthe most dangerous arms sale to Taiwan to date.โ€ The consistent theme across Chinese commentary is that Link-22 enables encrypted, real-time coordination that effectively embeds the islandโ€™s defense within a broader, U.S.-led operational network. 

Chinese analysis draws a clear distinction between Link-16 sustainment and Link-22 acquisition and ultimately reflects Beijingโ€™s concern of the “remote control” effect. Chinese experts warn that Link-22’s integration allows the U.S. to monitor Taiwanโ€™s front-line intelligence from 1,800 kilometers away and potentially directly control Taiwanese missile launchers and air defense platforms during a conflict. From Beijingโ€™s perspective, Link-22 acts as a “nerve center” that connects the islandโ€™s “flesh and bones” (like HIMARS and PAC-3 MSE missiles) to a U.S.-controlled “brain.”  

Beijingโ€™s concern also stems from its own priorities in information dominance. The PLA has invested heavily in electronic warfare and link systems like the XS-3 and DTS-03 to maintain a tactical edge. The 2024 restructuring of the PLAโ€™s Strategic Support Force into the Information Support Force underscored a recognition that network resilience is the center of gravity in high-intensity conflict. The coalition dimension further amplifies Beijing’s calculus. As a NATO-exclusive standard, Link-22 extends Taiwan’s defense beyond a bilateral U.S. agreement. From Beijingโ€™s perspective, the risk is a networked defense perimeter across the First Island Chain.  

Conclusionย 

Link-22 can strengthen the network architecture needed to better connect Taiwanโ€™s emerging missile, air-defense, and unmanned capabilities, improving coordination and enabling them to function more effectively as part of an integrated warfighting system. Still, it is best understood as a force multiplier, not a silver bullet. Its benefits depend on the survival of ships, aircraft, and air-defense nodes carrying it, many of which would likely be priority targets in the opening phase of a conflict. 

If funded and fielded, Link-22 will complement Taiwanโ€™s broader T-Dome initiative, complicate Chinaโ€™s ability to disrupt command-and-control through communication paralysis and potentially signal deeper U.S.โ€“Taiwan and coalition-oriented interoperability across the First Island Chain. But that same signal is precisely what makes the system politically sensitive: Beijing will almost certainly view it not as a routine technical upgrade, but as a step toward tighter wartime alignment between Taiwan and a broader U.S.-led regional network. 

Weekly Security Review: 4/6/26

Author: Jaime Ocon


Welcome to the Weekly Security Review, where we highlight key military, security, and political developments around Taiwan in one straightforward summary!

This week, Taiwanโ€™s military gets ready to start annual military wargames, the Coast Guard plans to spend big and reinforce Pratas Island, and the MND issues a warning over the possible effects of a budget delay.

Han Kuang Computer-Simulated Military Drills Starting Soon

Taiwanโ€™s Ministry of National Defense (MND) has released more information on the upcoming 2026 Han Kuang exercise, with computer-assisted war games running from April 11 to 24. Military officials at a press conference say the simulations will focus on operational strategy, early warning and detection of enemy forces, rapid-response drills, and testing decision-making skills under pressure. The MND also added that this yearโ€™s drills will take lessons from recent conflicts in Iran, Venezuela, and Ukraine, as well as focus on drone and counter-drone operations. Officials say they emphasized these points to demonstrate that the military is adapting its training to the realities of the modern battlefield. 

Taiwanโ€™s annual Han Kuang exercises are the countryโ€™s largest military drill and simulate how the military would respond to a full-scale invasion from China. The exercises began in the 1980s and have since come a long way, doubling in duration from five to ten days, and now featuring tens of thousands of conscripts. They are usually divided into two sections: a computer simulation and a live fire component. The drills had been criticized for decades for being too scripted and unrealistic, and since 2022, the MND has made significant improvements to try to fix that. Another major change is the addition of a โ€œmini Han Kuangโ€ that the military is calling a warm-up exercise ahead of the main exercises. This “Joint Defense Exercise” will take place sometime in July, and the live-fire component of Han Kuang will take place in early to mid-August. 

This year, the MND says Han Kuang will no longer just be a rehearsal for an invasion scenario, but also test whether Taiwan can sustain command and control during a conflict. Major benchmarks will include how well the MND can coordinate across different government agencies and how it will keep key systems functioning under gray-zone pressure and wartime conditions. Already, the military is prioritizing dispersed command posts, backup communications, and cross-regional force deployment, alongside logistics coordination across the island.

Coast Guard Plans $2B in Upgrades to Pratas Island Defenses Against Gray-Zone Pressure

Taiwanโ€™s Coast Guard Administration (CGA) says it will strengthen its defenses on Pratas Island due to increasing gray-zone pressure from China, according to Ocean Affairs Council head Kuan Bi-ling. As a whole, Kuan says the CGA plans to invest roughly US$1.88 billion to reinforce the coast guard, including improving port infrastructure, procuring more patrol vessels, and increasing capacity to conduct law enforcement operations. Kuan added that Beijing has been increasing the number of government vessels in operation, specifically around Dongsha, since last year, and warned that seizing these islands would carry โ€œconsiderable strategic significanceโ€ for China. She stressed that Chinese maritime pressure was already a โ€œwar without gunpowderโ€.

Speaking at the Taiwan Foreign Correspondents Club, Kuan highlighted how lightly defended Pratas remains and pointed to a Chinese reconnaissance drone flying over it in January as another example of provocative activity by the Peopleโ€™s Liberation Army (PLA). The big concern is that daily Chinese pressure around Dongsha and other outlying islands like Kinmen, Matsu, and Penghu is stretching Taiwanโ€™s resources. While the Coast Guard and the military say it provides an opportunity for Taiwan to test its resolve, more needs to be done to accelerate the transition from peacetime to wartime readiness. 

Taiwanโ€™s MND Warns Legislature of Harmful Effects of Budget Delay

Taiwanโ€™s MND has warned that any delays in approving this yearโ€™s defense budget could threaten roughly NT$78 billion (US$2.44 billion) in weapons procurement, maintenance, and training. Officials say that delays could affect roughly 21 percent of the annual budget and its original timetable. This includes procurement programs such as HIMARS, Javelin missiles, and follow-on training for F-16s.

These warnings from the MND come at a difficult time for Taiwan, as its Legislature is currently embroiled in a debate over how much to spend on its defense. The ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) has submitted a separate NT$1.25 trillion (US$40 billion) special defense budget, while opposition Kuomintang (KMT) and Taiwan Peopleโ€™s Party (TPP) have submitted proposals of roughly NT$380 billion (US$12 billion) and NT$400 billion (US$13 billion), respectively. Opposition lawmakers continue to criticize the Lai administrationโ€™s budget for a lack of specificity with some budget items, and are pushing the government to justify how they intend to spend appropriated funds. 

Defense officials have increasingly become frustrated with the deadlock, which is approaching almost six months. The MND argues that any delay will produce irreversible effects because procurement timelines, training pipelines, and maintenance schedules all depend on predictable funding. 

Weekly Security Review: 3/30/26

Author: Jaime Ocon


Welcome to the Weekly Security Review, where we highlight key military, security, and political developments around Taiwan in one straightforward summary!

This week, Taiwanโ€™s opposition leaders plan a landmark visit to Beijing to meet with Chinaโ€™s President Xi Jinping, Taiwanโ€™s military conducts a live-fire TOW missile drill in eastern Taiwan, and lawmakers again fail to advance the special defense budget. 

KMT Chairwoman Accepts Invitation to Visit Beijing

Kuomintang (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun has announced that she has โ€œgladly acceptedโ€ an invitation from Chinese President Xi Jinping to lead a delegation to China from April 7 to 12. As part of the visit, she will visit Jiangsu and Shanghai before heading to Beijing and possibly meeting with President Xi. The invitation, which came from the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee, comes after Cheng repeatedly expressed interest in visiting the mainland since taking office in November 2025. 

Speaking to reporters, Cheng says that the trip will demonstrate to Taiwan and the world that cross-strait relations are not destined for war, while stressing adherence to the “1992 Consensus” and opposition to Taiwan independence. The 1992 Consensus refers to a verbal understanding reached in 1992 between unofficial representatives of the KMT and CPC that there is โ€œone Chinaโ€ but with different interpretations of what that means. The visit will mark the first by a sitting KMT chair since Hung Hsiu-chu’s trip in 2016. Cheng framed the purpose of the visit as key to advancing KMT-CPC ties and peaceful cross-strait development. Details on delegation members and the exact agenda remain pending.

Many observers point to the timing of the visit, which is just weeks ahead of a planned Trump-Xi summit, and raises questions about potential U.S. reactions and domestic political risks for the KMT ahead of Taiwan’s local elections in the fall. Critics both from within and outside of the KMT have accused Cheng of being overly pro-China, but her party says they support the planned trip. 

Taiwan Conducts TOW Missile and Artillery Drills in Eastern Taiwan

Taiwanโ€™s military this week conducted a series of live-fire drills featuring the newly introduced TOW-2B anti-armor missiles and various kinds of artillery. The exercises took place in eastern Taitung near Taimali Beach, and simulated coastal defense tactics against a Chinese amphibious assault. In total, there were two separate drills, with the  “Justice Exercise” featuring M60A3 tank guns, 155mm howitzers, and 120mm and 81mm mortars, while the โ€œSky Horse Exerciseโ€ featured TOW missiles. Both exercises had similar objectives, as military officials say the drills focus on intercepting a landing force approaching eastern Taiwan and testing the armyโ€™s ability to use anti-armor firepower to break up enemy forces at sea. It is the second artillery drill for the Armyโ€™s Huadong Defense Command since December, and Minister of National Defense Wellington Koo confirmed the presence of U.S. personnel at this weekโ€™s exercise. 

Budget Stalemate Continues with U.S. Granting Payment Extension for HIMARS

Taiwanโ€™s Legislative Yuan (LY) failed to make meaningful progress this week on passing a supplemental defense budget, prolonging the debate on funding for the U.S.-approved weapons sales until next month. The dispute remains centered on the budgetโ€™s size and scope, with the Lai administrationโ€™s version calling for $40 billion in spending, and opposition parties arguing for roughly $13 billion. 

However, the debate comes at a time when the Ministry of National Defense (MND) is under pressure to sign agreements to begin paying for U.S. systems. Minister of National Defense Wellington Koo says the U.S. has agreed to extend the initial payment schedule until the end of May for 82 HIMARS systems and munitions, originally due on March 30 (today). In mid-March, the MND signed Letters of Offer and Acceptance (LOAs) for HIMARS and three other arms sales, but has not been able to make initial payments owing to the ongoing review of special defense budgets.

The MND says that time is of the essence, as further delays could affect payment deadlines for certain systems. Defense officials and U.S. lawmakers have continued to rally support for Taiwanese lawmakers to pass a supplemental defense budget, but debates on how much to spend have been stalled since November.